The Case Against Fauci Was Never About the Origins of COVID-19 11/08/2026 Stefan Anderson Dr Anthony Fauci invoked his Fifth Amendment rights more than 100 times during a Senate hearing on 29 July, the first time in over 250 congressional appearances across his 54-year career that he declined to answer questions. For nearly three hours on 29 July, the US Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee heard one sentence repeated over a hundred times. “On the advice of counsel, I respectfully decline to answer based upon my rights under the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution.” Dr Anthony Fauci, the 85-year-old retired director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases who guided the American pandemic response across two administrations, sat before the committee and, beyond a brief opening statement, said nothing else. In more than 250 appearances before Congress across his 54-year career, including 14 hours of transcribed interviews with the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic in January 2024, Fauci had never before declined to answer a question. But the man who subpoenaed him, Committee Chair Senator Rand Paul, had already told the world what he wanted out of the exercise. “The power of some of us must be used for good, like putting Fauci in jail,” Paul tweeted in December 2024. “I want to give him a subpoena and a jail cell.” Fauci’s lawyers argued the hearing amounted to a trap. Any answer, however truthful, could be mined for inconsistencies and forwarded to a Department of Justice that has systematically displayed a disregard for independence from the administration by prosecuting political opponents. Top administration officials indicated as much in the weeks ahead of the hearing. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. told Fox News that Fauci “could be subject to perjury prosecution” if any inconsistencies were unearthed during testimony. “Any reasonable person who has followed his unhinged obsession with me would readily come to the same conclusion,” Fauci said. Paul’s crusade dates back to 2021, when he told Fox & Friends the 38-year leader of the National Institutes of Health “could be culpable for the entire pandemic.” A week later, the committee voted along party lines to hold Fauci in contempt and refer the matter for prosecution, the first such action against a former federal health official in modern US history. “Framing public health decisions as matters of criminal intent rather than complex crisis management undermines public faith in medical recommendations, vaccines, and scientific consensus,” said Lawrence Gostin, professor of global health law at Georgetown University. “It is an abuse of power, legally baseless, and sets a dangerous precedent that threatens the future of public health.” ‘Who the fuck did you think you were?’ The stated purpose of the hearing was to uncover the origins of COVID-19, a question of global importance that, six years after the pandemic killed an estimated 25 million people worldwide, remains unresolved. There has never been an identified patient zero. No intermediate animal host has been confirmed. Leading scientific consensus remains that the virus jumped from animals to humans, but the strongest conclusions remain indicative, not proven. The hearing made no progress on this question. Instead, it bundled political battles over lockdown policy, vaccine safety and the pandemic’s origins into a single prosecutorial narrative aimed at assigning blame for a global catastrophe on a scientist who does not hold the answers to where COVID-19 began, and has no power to compel the Chinese government to release them. “Who the fuck did you think you were?” Senator Bernie Moreno said, accusing Fauci of being a “megalomaniac who was more interested in having met a Kardashian than the suffering of the American people.” His outrage centred on the 2020 arrest of Alecia Kitts, an Ohio mother tased and handcuffed at her son’s middle school football game for refusing to wear a mask, an enforcement action carried out under a statewide order issued by Republican Governor Mike DeWine. Republicans cast Fauci as a shadowy autocrat who unilaterally caused the pandemic, imposed lockdowns and pushed dangerous vaccines on the world, ascribing to a scientific advisor a degree of unchecked power more accurately associated with the leader of their own party. Fauci issued recommendations that were adopted, adapted or rejected by thousands of officials at every level of state and federal government. Governments and health authorities around the world, from the WHO to the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control, reached similar conclusions and imposed similar or stricter measures. The United States was, by most comparative measures, more lax, contributing to a higher per-capita COVID death toll than peer nations. Trump’s ‘greatest achievement’? US President Donald Trump claims Operation Warp Speed, the programme responsible for fast-tracking the development of COVID-19 vaccines that have saved millions of lives, as one of his greatest achievements. Many of his most ardent supporters, including his HHS chief, continue to claim they kill people and cause autism. Vaccine misinformation, a defining characteristic of the Robert F. Kennedy health department, surfaced as well. Senator Ron Johnson referred to COVID-19 vaccines as “experimental gene therapy” and cited misleading adverse event reports as evidence of mass harm. The vaccines were produced under Operation Warp Speed, which President Trump still calls “one of the greatest achievements ever.” Modelling estimates the programme prevented over 3.2 million additional deaths through November 2022. Johnson also claimed Fauci had “sabotaged” ivermectin, a popular pseudo-treatment intended as a horse dewormer, as an early treatment. The most comprehensive meta-analysis to date, covering 33 randomised controlled trials, found ivermectin had no effect on COVID-19 mortality. Paul and his political allies also circulated the debunked claim of an 82% vaccine-linked miscarriage rate, a figure derived from a statistical error in a 2021 CDC study that has been refuted repeatedly and repackaged as new evidence, shared as breaking news on Paul’s Twitter on Tuesday. Fauci’s diary Senator Rand Paul and his political allies continued to push inaccurate claims about Fauci and vaccines following the hearing. On Tuesday, Paul posted a claim debunked in 2021 that COVID vaccines caused an 82% miscarriage rate in first-trimester pregnancies, repackaged as breaking news, blaming Fauci for ignoring “the potential death of unborn babies”. Paul released over 1,100 pages of Fauci’s personal diary ahead of the hearing, whose entries became the evidentiary centrepiece of the case against him. The most cited date is late January 2020, when Fauci convened urgent calls with virologists. On 31 January, he recorded scientists warning that mutations around the furin cleavage site, a molecular feature enhancing the virus’s ability to enter human cells, “could not have occurred naturally.” The next day he wrote that most participants “felt deliberate insertion was possible,” naming the Wuhan Institute of Virology’s lead researcher, Shi Zhengli, and her gain-of-function work. On 2 February, he told NIH Director Francis Collins: “Please delete this email after you read it.” Paul framed this as a cover-up, but the entries are also consistent with a scientist entertaining all possibilities in the face of genuine uncertainty and crisis. Fauci’s own notes record that “there was not total agreement” on the call. A later entry shows him writing that he is “almost certain that the virus evolved naturally from a species jump, even though I keep an open mind about the possibility of a lab leak.” What followed from those early calls was the Proximal Origin paper published in Nature Medicine in March 2020. The same scientists who privately entertained the possibility of engineering concluded, after further analysis, that the virus was “not a laboratory construct.” The paper became one of the most cited and contested publications of the pandemic. It has been challenged but never retracted, and its core finding, that SARS-CoV-2’s genomic features have natural explanations, has been supported by an array of subsequent research and remains the leading hypothesis on the virus’s origins. The $600,000 question The Wuhan Institute of Virology received roughly $600,000 over six years through a US-funded subgrant for bat coronavirus surveillance. Whether that work constituted gain-of-function research remains contested among scientists. The hearing’s central allegation, that Fauci funded gain-of-function research that created SARS-CoV-2, rests on a subgrant of roughly $600,000 distributed over six years through EcoHealth Alliance to the Wuhan Institute of Virology. The concern over research enhancing the arsenal of viruses is real. In 2014, the US government imposed a moratorium on funding for gain-of-function research. More than 300 scientists signed a statement calling for a pause on experiments creating “potential pandemic pathogens.” The moratorium was lifted in 2017 under a review framework that multiple investigations have found inadequate. Whether the EcoHealth-funded work met the regulatory threshold is genuinely disputed. Rutgers chemist Richard Ebright says it “unequivocally” did. Alina Chan, herself sympathetic to the lab-leak hypothesis, has said it involved “testing naturally occurring SARS viruses, without a reasonable expectation that the tests would increase transmissibility.” Definitional questions aside, the causal chain linking a $100,000-a-year subgrant, a rounding error within NIH’s roughly $47 billion annual budget, to a global pandemic that killed millions requires assumptions no investigation has substantiated. Fauci did not personally authorise the grant, and has called the leap from EcoHealth funding to pandemic creation “the most ridiculous, majestic leap I’ve ever heard of.” What science says about the origins The earliest known COVID-19 cases in Wuhan cluster in a bullseye pattern around the Huanan seafood market (pink square), including cases with no known link to the market. The Wuhan Institute of Virology (blue dot) sits roughly 10 km southeast across the Yangtze. Source: Worobey et al., Science, 2022. A four-year investigation by the WHO’s Scientific Advisory Group for the Origins of Novel Pathogens (SAGO) concluded in June 2025 that “the weight of available evidence suggests zoonotic spillover, either directly from bats or through an intermediate host.” But it left the lab-leak hypothesis explicitly on the table, with chair Dr Marietjie Venter noting: “Until more scientific data becomes available, the origins of SARS-CoV-2, and how it entered the human population, will remain inconclusive.” WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus echoed that position: “All hypotheses must remain on the table. We continue to appeal to China and any other country that has information to share that information openly, in the interests of protecting the world from future pandemics.” On the zoonotic side, geospatial analysis published in Science showed the earliest cases forming a bullseye centred on the Huanan seafood market, not the Wuhan lab ten miles across the Yangtze. The researchers concluded that “SARS-CoV-2-positive environmental samples were associated with activities concentrated in the southwest corner of the market,” the same section “where vendors were selling live mammals, including raccoon dogs, hog badgers, and red foxes.” Stall-level map of the Huanan seafood market showing SARS-CoV-2-positive environmental samples (red) clustering around wildlife stalls (brown outlines) in the market’s southwest corner, where live mammals including raccoon dogs and civets were sold. The market’s east side, which did not trade live wildlife, shows almost no positive samples. Source: Crits-Christoph et al., Cell, 2024. A study published in Cell found genetic material from “multiple plausible intermediate hosts” in that same corner, concluding that raccoon dogs, masked palm civets, hoary bamboo rats and Malayan porcupines had all “previously been implicated in bat coronavirus cross-species transmission through the animal trade.” Separate phylogenetic analysis identified two viral lineages that diverged before human transmission, consistent with two independent spillovers. “It’s absurd how strong the geographical association is,” evolutionary biologist Michael Worobey, who led the geospatial research, told NPR, estimating the probability of the clustering being coincidental at “one in 10,000.” Angela Rasmussen, a virologist at the University of Saskatchewan’s Vaccine and Infectious Disease Organization who co-authored both the Science and Cell studies, has argued the evidence is “consistent with spillover from animals to humans at the Huanan market, under extremely similar circumstances as SARS-CoV-1,” and “incompatible with all lab leak hypotheses proposed.” She has noted that a lab-leak scenario consistent with two lineages would require two independently infected workers both reaching the same market, ten miles from the lab, without infecting anyone en route. No evidence has been produced that the Wuhan lab possessed a virus close enough to SARS-CoV-2 to have served as its ancestor. The closest known relative was found by a different team in bats in Laos. And while the lab’s presence in Wuhan is frequently cited as a decisive coincidence, China operates 40 to 60 BSL-3 labs and over 1,000 BSL-2 facilities nationwide. The EcoHealth-funded work was conducted at BSL-2. The lab-leak case gains ground Animal Source Most Likely Origin of SARS-CoV2 but Missing Chinese Data Leave Findings Inconclusive: WHO Expert Group The lab-leak hypothesis was not always taken seriously. In the pandemic’s first year, prominent scientists and major news organisations dismissed it as a conspiracy theory, and platforms including Facebook and YouTube removed content promoting it. The subsequent accumulation of circumstantial evidence, combined with China’s refusal to share data, has left the door open. Alina Chan of MIT and Harvard’s Broad Institute has made the most scientifically grounded case for a lab origin. She points to the furin cleavage site’s resemblance to the unfunded 2018 DEFUSE proposal, a grant application submitted to the Pentagon’s research agency DARPA by EcoHealth Alliance, the Wuhan Institute and University of North Carolina researchers, which described inserting exactly that type of feature into a SARS-like coronavirus. DARPA rejected it as too risky. Chan also notes that WIV researchers reportedly fell ill with COVID-like symptoms in autumn 2019, and that key evidence found rapidly in the SARS and MERS outbreaks has never surfaced for COVID-19. Chan also maintains “several natural spillover scenarios remain plausible,” and calls for subpoenas of research exchanges rather than prosecution. The Trump administration treats the lab leak as a closed case. In 2025, it took down government websites providing COVID-19 health information and replaced them with a White House page titled “Lab Leak: The True Origins of Covid-19”. The page squarely blames the pandemic on its political opponents – specifically Fauci – based on unfounded claims. The CIA and FBI have assessed a research-related origin as more likely, at low and moderate confidence respectively, but the WHO SAGO panel described these intelligence assessments as “very speculative, based on political opinions and not backed up by science.” The Trump administration has gone further, treating the lab leak not as a hypothesis but as a closed case. In 2025, it took down government websites providing COVID-19 health information and replaced them with a White House page titled “Lab Leak: The True Origins of Covid-19.” Former Biden White House COVID coordinator Ashish Jha recently told CNN he had changed his mind: “Based on information I learned and based on information I have seen, I have come to conclude that it is more likely to have been a lab leak. No one in the United States knows for sure. The only people who know for sure are officials in China.” China withholds answers Shoppers in Wuhan, China, post-COVID-19 lockdown. Both sides of the debate agree on one thing: the reason the question remains open is China. On 3 January 2020, two days after the world learned of the outbreak, China’s National Health Commission ordered laboratories to hand over or destroy early coronavirus samples. Beijing has confirmed the order. At least 100 individuals with December 2019 symptom onset were sampled; only about 20 sequences have reached international researchers. The Huanan market was shut on 31 December 2019, its animals removed untested, the site decontaminated. The WIV’s database of 22,000 wildlife samples went offline in autumn 2019 and was never shared. Dr Li Wenliang, the 34-year-old Wuhan ophthalmologist who warned colleagues about a SARS-like illness on 30 December 2019, was detained by police and forced to sign a confession. He contracted COVID-19 and died on 7 February 2020, at age 34. China blocked WHO investigators from entering the country in January 2021, then denied them requested data. An AP investigation found Beijing “froze meaningful domestic and international efforts to trace the virus from the first weeks of the outbreak.” When WHO proposed a second-phase investigation in 2021 that included audits of Wuhan laboratories, China’s Vice Health Minister rejected the plan outright, calling it “impossible” and saying Beijing would “not accept such an origin-tracing plan as it, in some aspects, disregards common sense and defies science.” China Rejects WHO Plan for Next Phase of COVID Origins Investigation “Persecuting Fauci for trying to answer questions about the virus source in 2020 when we were all misled by the Chinese government is a sideshow,” David Hunter, professor of epidemiology at the University of Oxford, wrote in STAT News. “To blame Fauci for not solving the origin of COVID-19 makes as much sense as blaming a detective in Washington, D.C., for not solving a murder in Wuhan.” Meanwhile, the administration accusing Fauci of leaving America vulnerable is dismantling the infrastructure that would defend against the next pandemic. Trump’s FY2026 budget proposes cutting NIH by $18 billion, a 44% reduction, and slashing the CDC by roughly half. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association, has said the cuts will “totally destroy the nation’s public health infrastructure.” The origins of COVID-19 may never be definitively settled. The hearing made one thing clear: the political apparatus pursuing Fauci is not interested in preventing the next pandemic. It is interested in assigning blame for the last one, while the country that holds the evidence refuses to share it, and the country demanding answers burns down its own capacity to find them. Image Credits: The White House, Worobey et al., Science, 2022., Crits-Christoph et al., Cell, 2024., José Mauquer . ‘This is so Wrong’: Experts Condemn Trump’s Vaccination Order 11/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan ‘MAHA Mom’ Jayme Franklin, US President Donald Trump and US Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr. Health experts have condemned United States President Donald Trump’s latest move to direct childhood vaccinations via a decree rather than a scientific process. Trump signed an executive order on childhood vaccinations on Monday, which he claims will align the US with the “best practices from peer, developed countries”. The order recommends fewer vaccinations, one vaccination per clinic visit for kids and – most controversially – that the combined measles, mumps, rubella (MMR) vaccine be “administered in three separate single-disease shots”, describing this as the “gold standard”. Virtually the entire world, bar Japan, administers single MMR vaccinations, which is easier for parents and children. Making the announcement, Trump and Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr repeated the debunked notion that vaccines may be linked to autism. Trump also claimed that the combined MMR vaccine was “quite lethal” and said that, “by the age of one year, children should have five separate visits for vaccinations, not all their vaccinations in one day”. Three categories of vaccinations The order divides immunisations into three categories. The first recommends 11 immunisations for all children, instead of the current 17. These are for measles, mumps, rubella, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, polio, Haemophilus influenzae type B, pneumococcal disease, human papillomavirus, and varicella (chicken pox). The second category recommends a further six immunisations, including for hepatitis A and B, for “certain high-risk groups”. Finally, Trump said that six vaccinations – for hepatitis A and B, rotavirus, meningococcal disease, influenza, and COVID-19 – are “no longer recommended for all children”. Instead, they should be given based on “shared clinical decision-making”, meaning decisions taken by both parents and healthcare providers. The order aims to encourage “maximal parental choice over childhood vaccines” and also directs the US Attorney General to take appropriate legal action to enable “religious and medical exemptions from childhood and adolescent immunization requirements”. ‘Disheartening’, ‘dangerous’ and ‘troubling’ A doctor examines a child with measles. Cases of measles are at a 35-year high in the US, mainly thanks to waning confidence in vaccines. Dr Andrew Racine, president of the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), described the order as “not only disheartening but dangerous” – particularly as “measles cases reach a 35-year high in the US and with cold and flu season [is] quickly approaching”. “Today’s executive order is not based on ‘gold-standard science’,” Racine added. “There is no new evidence to justify significant changes to childhood immunization guidance. Dozens of studies involving millions of people show there is no link between vaccines and autism, and yet federal leaders continue to promote this outdated, disproven idea to scare families.” Although the order does not refer to autism, both Trump and his vaccine-sceptical Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr, alluded to possible links between vaccines and autism during the signing ceremony. Dr Jan Carney, president of the American College of Physicians (ACP), described the order as “part of a troubling pattern by the administration to attempt to unilaterally change vaccine guidance, particularly for children, rather than relying on the transparent, scientific review that has guided the US childhood vaccine schedule for decades”. “ACP asserts that these changes cannot be allowed to move forward,” he added, alluding to more legal action for the Trump administration, which is already facing legal action from the AAP over its “unilateral changes” to vaccinations for children and pregnant women. Trump ‘doesn’t have the expertise’ Republican Senator Bill Cassidy, who chairs the Senate Health Committee, said on X that Trump “does not have the expertise to make these changes”, urging parents to “listen to their child’s pediatrician about vaccines rather than listening to an inaccurate executive order”. “Vaccines are overwhelmingly safe. Vaccines are effective. Vaccines do not cause autism,” said Cassidy, adding “this is so wrong”. “Breaking up vaccines will mean children have to get more shots to get the same protection, not fewer shots. It will increase hesitancy and make children less safe.” I’m a doctor. This executive order is wrong. The President does not have the expertise to make these changes. Vaccines are overwhelmingly safe. Vaccines are effective. Vaccines DO NOT cause autism. Breaking up vaccines will mean children have to get more shots to get the same… https://t.co/9RoPfVsU8h — U.S. Senator Bill Cassidy, M.D. (@SenBillCassidy) August 10, 2026 ‘Deadly mistake’ Dr Tom Frieden, CEO of Resolve to Save Lives, said that the new order “will result in more illness, hospitalizations, and deaths of American children”. “There is no evidence that subjecting children to three shots instead of one with the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccine would do anything to protect children, and it would result in more stressful and painful vaccinations.” added Frieden, former head of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Frieden also blasted the introduction of “shared clinical decision-making” for certain vaccines. “It would be a deadly mistake,” said Frieden. “Shared decision-making is appropriate when the risks and benefits of an intervention are equally balanced. In the case of these and other vaccines, the risks are vastly lower than the benefits of vaccination. “Doctors don’t engage in shared clinical decision-making about whether to suture a bleeding wound. Parents are always free to accept physician recommendations or not, but failing to recommend something that is proven to be beneficial is an abdication of federal responsibility.” “Parents deserve clear, evidence-based guidance about how to protect their children, not competing recommendations issued through political processes,” said Dr Michael Osterholm, head of the Vaccine Integrity Project and director of the University of Minnesota’s Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy (CIDRAP). Circumventing the courts Trump states in the executive order that his administration’s previous directives on childhood vaccines have “been delayed due to litigation over the composition of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) and separate updates to the Federal vaccine schedule”. Kennedy has waged a relentless campaign to reduce US childhood vaccines, including by unilaterally changing the composition and terms of ACIP. However, in March, US District Judge Brian Murphy ruled that the January changes to the vaccination schedule and Kennedy’s firing of all 17 ACIP members are likely to have violated the Administrative Procedure Act. Murphy also issued three temporary stays: on Kennedy’s appointment of 13 new ACIP members, mostly vaccine sceptics; changes to the vaccination schedule, and all decisions of the Kennedy-appointed ACIP. These stays will be in place until Murphy can rule on a lawsuit brought by the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) and other medical organisations against Kennedy’s “unilateral changes” to vaccinations for children and pregnant women. However, after Murphy’s ruling, a new charter for ACIP members was published on the CDC website in June. Instead of requiring vaccine-related expertise, the new terms simply require that “members shall collectively represent a balanced range of scientific, clinical, and public health expertise relevant to the committee’s mission”. Also in June, US Senator Bernie Sanders released 253 pages of emails showing how Kennedy’s Health and Human Services (HHS) staff pressured CDC officials to influence the country’s vaccine policies. This executive order is almost certain to face legal action by health groups. As Heat Increases Women’s Vulnerability to Violence, Researchers Seek More Sensitive Policies 11/08/2026 Disha Shetty Eighty-one-year-old Felisa Cuc leads others down the path to her home in rural Sepur Zarco, Guatemala, as the women try to protect themselves from the heat. Heat disproportionately affects women. CHENNAI, India – Women in drought-prone areas are at a higher risk of intimate partner violence during the hot summer months, but heat action plans being drafted by cities and countries rarely account for this public health issue. The unique vulnerability of women to intensifying climatic events such as heatwaves was at the centre of discussions at a recent conference organised by the Chennai-based research institute, MS Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF). In the hot and humid coastal city of Chennai in southern India, women farmers, grassroots organsations, academics and experts from around 32 institutions, including two United Nations (UN) agencies, shared their experiences. “[The] key aim was to bring out issues and challenges related to women’s access to land, water and food in the context of agricultural or fisheries sectors. This included livestock, pastoralists and related occupations,” said Dr Soumya Swaminathan, the former World Health Organization (WHO) chief scientist who chairs the institute. “We also wanted to see if there are policy gaps or blind spots that we could collectively address,” she told Health Policy Watch. The UN has declared 2026 as the International Year of the Woman Farmers to draw attention to women in agriculture. However, the danger is that once 2026 is over, the world will move on from the focus on women in agriculture, said Dr Israel Oliver King ED, who heads the biodiversity programme at MSSRF. Heat and the rise in violence against women Research from India links heatwaves to a rise in intimate partner violence. Almost three-quarters (72% ) of women in drought-prone areas reported a rise in intimate partner violence during the summer months of April-June, according to preliminary results from an ongoing study led by researchers at MSSRF. The study involved over 1,050 women across seven Indian states, and is part of a larger study on the impacts of heat on the health of men and women. “Our aim is to build more evidence to touch base with the government and say, gender [vulnerability] is not a small thing,” said Dr Mohan Kumar, MSSRF’s director of health and nutrition, who is leading the study. He explained that, while geographical and socio-economic vulnerability has always received attention, gender vulnerability has not. “These deliberations will help us to actually pitch the importance of thinking of gender as the main rider in the climate vulnerability component,” Kumar said. What makes women more vulnerable to climate impacts is a combination of gender roles in their home and society, limited ownership of land and limited mobility. For instance, on a hot summer day, it is socially acceptable for men to take off their shirts to cool down but not for women, who are expected to wear several layers of clothing even in extreme heat. Recognizing women’s role in land, food and water systems Women in agrarian communities often act as custodians of seeds and biodiversity. While women do a substantial chunk of agricultural work in India, they have not been recognised as farmers by government policies or communities in the past because they do not usually own the land. While this is now changing, women’s role as custodians of seeds and agrobiodiversity is yet to be recognized, speakers said. Aditi Mukherji, the principal scientist of climate action at the International Livestock Research Institute in Kenya, said that women’s livestock knowledge is essentially genetic information. As men and women often do different tasks, they notice different parts of the agricultural and livestock systems, and when women’s voices are taken into account, policies are better, Mukherji added in a virtual address to the conference Women are often responsible for nursing sick livestock, and thus they notice climate-related signs of stress early, she added as an example. Mainstreaming gender conversations Dr Soumya Swaminathan, former WHO chief scientist and chair of MSSRF speaking at the conference in Chennai. Kumar also added that while conversations on how climate change is affecting women have picked up in recent years, the pace of research remains slow. “Bringing focus on this topic is the first step in closing research or policy gaps,” Swaminathan said. “Research is needed in the gap areas and, if done in partnership with communities, can lead to meaningful and sustainable change,” she added. Image Credits: UN Women/Ryan Brown, Unsplash/Nikita Kozlov, MSSRF. White House Attempt to Control Science Grants is Blocked – For Now 10/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) Director Russell Vought. The plan by the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to subject all United States research grants to political oversight has been halted by the US Senate – at least for now. A clause preventing the OMB from introducing any new rules was included in the non-partisan temporary spending Bill passed by the Senate in the early hours of Saturday morning. But the Bill is not yet law, and the fate of the OMB’s new law now lies with the US Congress, which will decide after its August recess whether to adopt the Senate’s resolution. The OMB’s proposed new law would enable political appointees to review all government grant proposals and to terminate existing grants if they did not align with political priorities – explicitly specifying that all awards “demonstrably advance the President’s policy priorities”. It would also prevent research on gender and diversity, equity and inclusion, and heavily restrict international scientific collaborations. OMB director Russell Vought, a key author of the right-wing Project 2025, wanted to introduce the new regulations in October. Massive outcry But the proposal sparked a massive outcry from the scientific community, with scientists stating that the new regulation undermines the non-partisan award process and politicises science. Republican Senator Susan Collins, the chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said after the Senate resolution was passed that she was pleased that the “bipartisan agreement prevents the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)’s proposed rule regarding federal financial assistance from taking effect. “I advocated for significant changes to the proposed rule in a July 6 letter to the agency, citing its potential to politicize grants and harm small, rural communities, families, and biomedical research,” Collins added. Her Democratic counterpart and committee deputy, Senator Patty Murray, said that the Bill “blocks implementation of OMB’s corrupt new grants rule for the duration of the [continuing resolution]. “The proposed rule would systematically politicize federal funding and allow Trump officials to cancel grants at any time for any reason. Enabling this rule would only give Trump the greenlight to take even more federal funding hostage.” Murray added that, while Republicans rejected “killing the proposed rule outright, I’m going to keep fighting to put a stop to it once and for all, and I will keep pressing my Republican colleagues to do exactly that”. Earlier, the Senate Democratic caucus warned that the proposal “exceeds OMB’s statutory authority, undermines Congress’s constitutional power of the purse, and would allow the President to weaponize federal grants for political purposes”. Reacting to the news, the Infectious Diseases Society of America (IDSA) and HIV Medicine Association (HIVMA) applauded Collins and Murray for the temporary block on the OMB’s ambitions. “This is an important step toward ensuring that objective merit, not political alignment, remains the primary criterion for grant awards. The OMB rule would undermine Congress’ authority by allowing the termination of federal grants by the political party in charge without cause and without any recourse for grantees,” the organisations noted. “IDSA and HIVMA call on the House of Representatives to pass the Senate continuing resolution as soon as possible to ensure uninterrupted support for research, public health programs and access to health care, especially in rural communities and among populations vulnerable to communicable diseases.” Pakistan’s HIV Surge Exposes Infection Control Failures at Health Facilities 10/08/2026 Rahul Basharat Rajput Undercover footage by the BBC filmed Taunsa health workers re-using needles and syringes multiple times while inoculating children. ISLAMABAD – Pakistan was once considered a low-prevalence country for HIV, but a series of outbreaks has infected hundreds of children and exposed fundamental weaknesses in its healthcare system. Southern Pakistan has been particularly affected, with HIV outbreaks linked to healthcare facilities documented at Taunsa in Punjab, Karachi’s Kulsim Bai Valika (KBV) Hospital, and previously in Larkana and other districts. Some 331 children are estimated to have been infected with HIV at Tehsil Headquarters (THQ) Hospital in Taunsa since last October, and investigators have blamed their infections on preventable lapses in infection prevention and control (IPC). Unlike outbreaks in many countries, where HIV transmission is primarily driven through sexual contact, repeated investigations in Pakistan have instead pointed to unsafe medical injections, poorly regulated blood transfusions and failures in sterilisation practices. Despite the alarm being raised about the rise in children’s infections earlier in the year, an undercover expose by the BBC in April showed that health workers continued to use the same needles and syringes on several children at the facility. Rise in new infections Officials from the Common Management Unit, the government department dealing with HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, reported to Parliament’s Standing Committee on Health last month that approximately 14,000 new HIV infections were detected during 2025, a figure far higher than previous annual reports. Although the country’s health ministry attributes much of the increase to expanded screening, which rose from around 37,000 people tested in 2020 to more than 374,000 in 2025, the rise has intensified concerns over persistent transmission in healthcare settings and among vulnerable populations. For many health experts, HIV has become a barometer of Pakistan’s broader health system, revealing broader weaknesses in regulation, governance, surveillance and primary healthcare that extend well beyond the virus itself. “Every outbreak should have been a lesson,” says Professor Hasan Abbas Zaheer, a World Health Organization (WHO) adviser on blood safety. “Similar failures continue to emerge in different provinces, indicating that the underlying problems have not been resolved.” Zaheer believes that Pakistan is facing a broader collapse of infection prevention and control. Unless hospitals, laboratories and blood banks consistently adhere to internationally accepted standards – and regulators enforce those standards – the country is likely to continue responding to outbreaks after they occur rather than preventing them, he argues. Taunsa and Karachi outbreaks The Taunsa outbreak illustrates the consequences of these failures. Between late 2024 and early 2025, more than 330 children were infected, with three-quarters of infections occurring in children younger than five years. Investigators found little evidence that their mothers were living with HIV, making mother-to-child transmission unlikely. Instead, the investigation pointed towards healthcare-associated transmission through unsafe injections, blood transfusions and inadequate infection control. Instead, the investigation documented multiple breaches of basic clinical practice. Standard infection prevention protocols were often absent or ignored, while intravenous infusion sets were reportedly reused, waste disposal systems were inadequate and appropriate paediatric auto-disable syringes were unavailable. Larger syringes that were designed for hospital procedures were sometimes used repeatedly in paediatric care, increasing the risk of cross-contamination. Meanwhile, a government investigation into an HIV outbreak involving 130 people – mostly children – at Karachi’s government-run Kulsum Bai Valika Hospital reported back last month. It blamed the increase in HIV cases documented from last October on failures in sterilisation procedures, improper handling of single-use syringes, inadequate supervision, poor biomedical waste management and weak compliance with infection prevention guidelines. Provincial authorities have since suspended dozens of healthcare workers and administrators while strengthening treatment services for affected children. Ban on substandard syringes The Pakistani government has banned substandard injections to curb HIV. Last month, following a high-level review of the HIV outbreaks ordered by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, officials recommended several reforms aimed at strengthening infection control, improving surveillance and tightening regulation of medical devices. These include a nationwide ban on the manufacture and use of substandard syringes. The Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) has also approved the phase-out of conventional disposable 1cc and 10cc syringes from January 2027, extending earlier regulations that already required auto-disable syringes for smaller volumes. The decision follows years of evidence linking syringe reuse to HIV outbreaks. Investigations into recent clusters consistently identified unsafe injections as one of the principal drivers of transmission. In many facilities, particularly where infection prevention standards are weak, single-use syringes and intravenous equipment have reportedly been reused or handled improperly, allowing blood-borne viruses to spread between patients. Systemic problems Experts caution, however, that focusing solely on syringes risks overlooking broader systemic issues. Unsafe injections are often a symptom rather than the root cause of the problem. Weak regulation of private clinics, inadequate inspection systems, inconsistent enforcement of infection control standards and shortages of trained healthcare workers all contribute to an environment in which unsafe practices can persist. Former federal health minister and WHO official Dr Zafar Mirza argues that the recurring outbreaks should be viewed as evidence of wider governance failures. The Taunsa outbreak, he said, exposed shortcomings not only in infection prevention but also in blood safety, healthcare regulation, disease surveillance and accountability. Although a government task force has proposed reforms across these areas, implementation has remained slow even as new clusters continue to emerge. Inadequate surveillance While unsafe medical practices have attracted the greatest public attention, Pakistan’s surveillance system represents another major vulnerability. The Ministry of Health estimates that more than 84,000 people are currently registered as living with HIV and receiving care through the national programme. However, officials acknowledge that the true burden is substantially higher – and the WHO and UNAIDS put the figure at over 350,000 people. Federal Health Minister Mustafa Kamal recently said that approximately 20,000 additional infections remain unreported, despite a dramatic expansion of HIV testing capacity over the past five years. Health authorities argue that the sharp increase in reported infections partly reflects improved case finding rather than an explosion of transmission. Screening capacity has expanded tenfold since 2020, enabling health workers to identify infections that previously remained undiagnosed. But weak surveillance continues to limit Pakistan’s ability to detect emerging hotspots before they become full-scale outbreaks. The Taunsa investigation also found that hospitals and clinics lacked reliable digital reporting systems, standard case notification procedures and mechanisms for sharing surveillance data between districts and provinces. These gaps delayed recognition of transmission patterns and slowed public health responses. Tracking patients after diagnosis also remains a major challenge. Parliamentary discussions highlighted the problem of “missing patients”: individuals who register at antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres but subsequently discontinue treatment or are lost to follow-up. Without effective counselling and monitoring, these interruptions increase the risk of poorer health outcomes and continued HIV transmission. Public health specialists argue that surveillance should extend beyond simply counting new diagnoses. It should also identify transmission networks, monitor healthcare-associated infections, evaluate infection prevention practices and rapidly detect clusters before they spread. Zaheer believes Pakistan could strengthen these efforts by integrating surveillance data across provinces and using digital technologies, including artificial intelligence, to identify emerging hotspots in real time. Stigma limits HIV response While Pakistan has expanded HIV testing and treatment services in recent years, prevention has not kept pace with the changing nature of the epidemic. The number of government-supported antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres has more than doubled from 44 in 2020 to 97 in 2025, with plans to increase the network to around 166 facilities. But access remains uneven, particularly outside major cities. For many Pakistanis, HIV testing is still not part of routine primary healthcare. Instead, people are often tested only after they develop symptoms, require surgery, donate blood or are identified during an outbreak investigation. Stigma remains one of the greatest barriers. Health officials told the Parliamentary health committee that fear of discrimination discourages many people from seeking testing or treatment, while misconceptions about HIV continue to fuel secrecy and delayed diagnosis. The Pakistan Medical Association (PMA) has also warned that thousands of infections remain undetected because people are reluctant to access healthcare services for fear of being ostracised by their families or communities. Pakistan’s HIV epidemic remains concentrated among people who inject drugs, men who have sex with men, transgender people and sex workers. These groups frequently encounter discrimination in healthcare settings and are often excluded from mainstream health programmes. Community organisations have long argued that HIV services remain overly dependent on donor-funded outreach projects rather than being integrated into routine primary healthcare. WHO Representative in Pakistan Dr Luo Dapeng, Pakistan’s Health Director General Dr Ayesha Majeed Isani, and UNAIDS Director in Pakistan, Trouble Chikoko, lead an HIV awareness walk Hidden sexual networks? Although the outbreak primarily affected children infected through unsafe healthcare practices, investigators also warned of “hidden sexual networks” operating largely outside existing surveillance and prevention programmes. Without confidential testing, community outreach and culturally appropriate prevention services, these networks could sustain HIV transmission while remaining largely invisible to health authorities. Women also face distinct barriers. Although Pakistan has made progress in preventing mother-to-child transmission, reproductive health services and HIV care are often delivered separately, limiting opportunities for routine screening and counselling during pregnancy. Many women are diagnosed only after a spouse or child tests positive, reflecting broader gaps in sexual and reproductive healthcare. The PMA has urged the government to make confidential, rapid HIV testing available free of charge across primary and secondary healthcare facilities, while investing in training for healthcare workers to reduce discrimination and improve counselling. It has also called for greater access to modern biomedical prevention strategies alongside expanded treatment services. Although antiretroviral medicines suppress the virus and dramatically reduce the risk of transmission, they depend on early diagnosis, uninterrupted drug supplies and sustained patient engagement. Without addressing stigma, expanding community-based prevention and ensuring equitable access to care, many people will continue to enter the health system only after they become seriously ill—or after an outbreak has already occurred. Could long-acting HIV prevention change the response? While Pakistan struggles to contain healthcare-associated outbreaks, the global HIV response is entering a new era defined by long-acting prevention technologies that could dramatically reduce new infections. Lenacapavir, a long-acting injectable medicine administered only twice a year, has demonstrated almost total prevention of HIV transmission in clinical trials. Researchers also reported progress on other long-acting technologies, including injectable combinations that provide both contraception and HIV prevention, three-month vaginal rings and real-world implementation of a monthly injectable cabotegravir in African countries. Global health experts increasingly view these medicines as potential game changers, particularly for people who struggle to take daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Receiving two injections a year could substantially improve adherence while reducing the risk of HIV transmission among people at elevated risk of infection. But Pakistan has yet to establish broad access to conventional HIV prevention services. Oral PrEP remains available only through limited pilot initiatives and donor-supported programmes. Long-acting injectable prevention is therefore unlikely to become widely accessible without significant investment, regulatory approval and financial support from international partners. Experts nevertheless argue that Pakistan should begin preparing now rather than waiting for the medicines to become widely available globally. Planning for procurement, regulatory approval, healthcare worker training and financing could enable the country to introduce new prevention technologies more rapidly once prices fall and generic versions become available. Mirza believes Pakistan’s response must move beyond emergency outbreak management towards a comprehensive public health strategy that integrates infection prevention, disease surveillance, blood safety, governance and community engagement. Zaheer also sees an opportunity to modernise Pakistan’s surveillance systems through digital technologies. Better integration of laboratory data, hospital reporting and provincial surveillance could help identify emerging clusters before they expand into large outbreaks. Artificial intelligence, he argues, could assist health authorities in recognising transmission patterns, predicting hotspots and directing scarce resources towards areas of greatest need. Yet specialists caution that new policies and regulations alone will not prevent future outbreaks if enforcement remains weak. Previous bans on conventional syringes were inconsistently implemented, allowing unsafe products to remain widely available. Likewise, investigations following successive HIV outbreaks have repeatedly identified similar failures in infection prevention despite earlier recommendations. Image Credits: BBC, Wuestenigel/Flickr, Hamid Inam/ WHO Pakistan. Alarming Ebola Spread Raises Question of Viral Mutation 07/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan DRC President Felix Tshisekedi (left) meeting WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (right) and other health officials this week. Over 4,000 Ebola Bundibugyo cases and 1,800 deaths have been recorded so far in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – numbers so alarming that health experts intend to research whether the virus is mutating to become more infectious. This was revealed by Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, at a media briefing on Thursday. In the past 12 weeks, the current outbreak has grown at eight times the pace of the world’s biggest Ebola outbreak, which took place in West Africa between 2018 and 2020. Every day in the past week, 75 new cases and 35 deaths have been recorded. Kaseya said that he and World Health Organization (WHO) Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus had agreed on Wednesday “to conduct a study to check if there is no additional issue, or maybe if the virus is not mutating, because the level of severity of this Bundibugyo outbreak is unprecedented”. Tedros, Kaseya and Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO’s Africa regional director, led a joint high-level mission to the DRC and Uganda earlier in the week, including a meeting with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. Following the two-day mission, the two organisations called for “an urgent scale-up of the community-led Ebola response in the DRC, with stronger early detection, contact follow-up, access to care, support for frontline health workers and faster delivery of resources to affected communities”. Tedros also said: “Building trust and respecting local traditions, including around safe and dignified burials, are essential to reaching affected communities and stopping transmission.” Community engagement Kaseya said one of the main purposes of the delegation’s visit to Bunia, one of the Ebola hotspots in the DRC, was to listen to communities. “We didn’t go there to blame them. We didn’t go there to tell them what they have to do. We went there to listen. I had a room of more than 100 people coming from organisations, associations, coming from those who were infected with Ebola, and young people, women. All of them were sharing a critical message: We are not involved, and we want to be involved.” Kaseya said that internet connectivity via Starlink will be extended to all villages in Ituri to enable timely data and information about the outbreak. After Bunia, the delegation met with Tshisekedi and other top government officials in the DRC capital of Kinshasa and resolved to take the outbreak response to the village level in Ituri’s 6,542 villages to reach people more effectively. The outbreak has not yet reached Kinshasa, but on Thursday the DRC government stopped a boat with 200 passengers from reaching the capital after a patient with suspected Ebola symptoms had disembarked and died. The boat had been travelling from Kisangi in the north-east to Kinshasa but had been stopped about 65km from the capital and all passengers were tested. Kinshasa has a population of around 17 million. Striking health workers Health workers protesting outside the Ituri governor’s residence over unpaid wages this week. Tedros added that, in their meeting with Tshisekedi, they discussed “the need to continue to protect and support frontline health and community workers, including by ensuring they have adequate personal protective equipment, and are compensated for their work”. Around 140 health workers have been infected with Ebola in the current outbreak. There have been several protests and strikes by health and other workers involved in the outbreak response over unpaid wages. Health workers in Ituri protested outside the governor’s office on Thursday, saying that they have not been paid salaries or allowances since May. In mid-July, health workers at Bunia General Hospital in northeastern Ituri went on strike, saying that they had not been paid since the outbreak started despite working under difficult conditions. Healthcare workers and grave diggers at the Rwampara General Hospital, also in Ituri, went on strike over unpaid wages in early July. However, Kaseya told the media briefing that it was the responsibility of the DRC government, not their outbreak partners, to pay their health workers. “We will not hear again about the strikes of health workers. The government yesterday told me that they have money to pay health workers,” he insisted. But he added that some funding is available from the “humanitarian budget” for free healthcare services to all people in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, which are worst affected by Ebola. Since the start of the outbreak, the DRC government has offered free health services to those living in these provinces to encourage people to go to health facilities. More deaths in communities than facilities One of the most disconcerting aspects of the DRC outbreak is that most deaths are being recorded in communities, not health facilities. Last week, 67% of Ebola deaths were in communities, usually identified via tests administered after death. “The contact lists don’t mean anything because it is not accurate,” said Kaseya, once again highlighting weaknesses around tracing people who have been in close contact with confirmed cases. On average, around 10 contacts per patient in the DRC have been recorded in comparison to 40+ in Uganda, which contained its Bundibugyo outbreak at 20 cases. Kaseya also revealed that the bed occupancy rate in Ituri province, one of the hotspots, ranged between 56-69% – way lower than in Nord Kivu, where Ebola treatment centres were 128-157% full. Several treatment centres in Ituri have been attacked and burnt in the past. Uganda’s case fatality was 10% in comparison to the DRC’s 44%, and Kaseya suggested this could be because every patient was given the antiviral medicine, Remdesivir. A trial to test Remdesivir’s efficacy against Bundibugyo is currently underway in the DRC, along with another antiviral known as MPP134. However, only 68 people have been recruited so far. US pledges more funds Meanwhile, the US State Department announced on Wednesday that it intends to provide an additional $242 million in funding for “immediate Ebola response and preparedness efforts in the region and humanitarian assistance related to the outbreak”. “The Department of State’s assistance announcements to combat the outbreak have now exceeded $512 million in direct assistance, enabling implementing organizations to expand the ongoing response in Africa,” said the State Department, adding that it had already made $350 million available for “critical humanitarian assistance in the DRC, South Sudan, and Uganda”. Kaseya said that, taking into account the latest US contribution, $472 million had been released and almost $700 million was expected. Image Credits: Aljazeera. EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
‘This is so Wrong’: Experts Condemn Trump’s Vaccination Order 11/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan ‘MAHA Mom’ Jayme Franklin, US President Donald Trump and US Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr. Health experts have condemned United States President Donald Trump’s latest move to direct childhood vaccinations via a decree rather than a scientific process. Trump signed an executive order on childhood vaccinations on Monday, which he claims will align the US with the “best practices from peer, developed countries”. The order recommends fewer vaccinations, one vaccination per clinic visit for kids and – most controversially – that the combined measles, mumps, rubella (MMR) vaccine be “administered in three separate single-disease shots”, describing this as the “gold standard”. Virtually the entire world, bar Japan, administers single MMR vaccinations, which is easier for parents and children. Making the announcement, Trump and Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr repeated the debunked notion that vaccines may be linked to autism. Trump also claimed that the combined MMR vaccine was “quite lethal” and said that, “by the age of one year, children should have five separate visits for vaccinations, not all their vaccinations in one day”. Three categories of vaccinations The order divides immunisations into three categories. The first recommends 11 immunisations for all children, instead of the current 17. These are for measles, mumps, rubella, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, polio, Haemophilus influenzae type B, pneumococcal disease, human papillomavirus, and varicella (chicken pox). The second category recommends a further six immunisations, including for hepatitis A and B, for “certain high-risk groups”. Finally, Trump said that six vaccinations – for hepatitis A and B, rotavirus, meningococcal disease, influenza, and COVID-19 – are “no longer recommended for all children”. Instead, they should be given based on “shared clinical decision-making”, meaning decisions taken by both parents and healthcare providers. The order aims to encourage “maximal parental choice over childhood vaccines” and also directs the US Attorney General to take appropriate legal action to enable “religious and medical exemptions from childhood and adolescent immunization requirements”. ‘Disheartening’, ‘dangerous’ and ‘troubling’ A doctor examines a child with measles. Cases of measles are at a 35-year high in the US, mainly thanks to waning confidence in vaccines. Dr Andrew Racine, president of the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), described the order as “not only disheartening but dangerous” – particularly as “measles cases reach a 35-year high in the US and with cold and flu season [is] quickly approaching”. “Today’s executive order is not based on ‘gold-standard science’,” Racine added. “There is no new evidence to justify significant changes to childhood immunization guidance. Dozens of studies involving millions of people show there is no link between vaccines and autism, and yet federal leaders continue to promote this outdated, disproven idea to scare families.” Although the order does not refer to autism, both Trump and his vaccine-sceptical Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr, alluded to possible links between vaccines and autism during the signing ceremony. Dr Jan Carney, president of the American College of Physicians (ACP), described the order as “part of a troubling pattern by the administration to attempt to unilaterally change vaccine guidance, particularly for children, rather than relying on the transparent, scientific review that has guided the US childhood vaccine schedule for decades”. “ACP asserts that these changes cannot be allowed to move forward,” he added, alluding to more legal action for the Trump administration, which is already facing legal action from the AAP over its “unilateral changes” to vaccinations for children and pregnant women. Trump ‘doesn’t have the expertise’ Republican Senator Bill Cassidy, who chairs the Senate Health Committee, said on X that Trump “does not have the expertise to make these changes”, urging parents to “listen to their child’s pediatrician about vaccines rather than listening to an inaccurate executive order”. “Vaccines are overwhelmingly safe. Vaccines are effective. Vaccines do not cause autism,” said Cassidy, adding “this is so wrong”. “Breaking up vaccines will mean children have to get more shots to get the same protection, not fewer shots. It will increase hesitancy and make children less safe.” I’m a doctor. This executive order is wrong. The President does not have the expertise to make these changes. Vaccines are overwhelmingly safe. Vaccines are effective. Vaccines DO NOT cause autism. Breaking up vaccines will mean children have to get more shots to get the same… https://t.co/9RoPfVsU8h — U.S. Senator Bill Cassidy, M.D. (@SenBillCassidy) August 10, 2026 ‘Deadly mistake’ Dr Tom Frieden, CEO of Resolve to Save Lives, said that the new order “will result in more illness, hospitalizations, and deaths of American children”. “There is no evidence that subjecting children to three shots instead of one with the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccine would do anything to protect children, and it would result in more stressful and painful vaccinations.” added Frieden, former head of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Frieden also blasted the introduction of “shared clinical decision-making” for certain vaccines. “It would be a deadly mistake,” said Frieden. “Shared decision-making is appropriate when the risks and benefits of an intervention are equally balanced. In the case of these and other vaccines, the risks are vastly lower than the benefits of vaccination. “Doctors don’t engage in shared clinical decision-making about whether to suture a bleeding wound. Parents are always free to accept physician recommendations or not, but failing to recommend something that is proven to be beneficial is an abdication of federal responsibility.” “Parents deserve clear, evidence-based guidance about how to protect their children, not competing recommendations issued through political processes,” said Dr Michael Osterholm, head of the Vaccine Integrity Project and director of the University of Minnesota’s Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy (CIDRAP). Circumventing the courts Trump states in the executive order that his administration’s previous directives on childhood vaccines have “been delayed due to litigation over the composition of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) and separate updates to the Federal vaccine schedule”. Kennedy has waged a relentless campaign to reduce US childhood vaccines, including by unilaterally changing the composition and terms of ACIP. However, in March, US District Judge Brian Murphy ruled that the January changes to the vaccination schedule and Kennedy’s firing of all 17 ACIP members are likely to have violated the Administrative Procedure Act. Murphy also issued three temporary stays: on Kennedy’s appointment of 13 new ACIP members, mostly vaccine sceptics; changes to the vaccination schedule, and all decisions of the Kennedy-appointed ACIP. These stays will be in place until Murphy can rule on a lawsuit brought by the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) and other medical organisations against Kennedy’s “unilateral changes” to vaccinations for children and pregnant women. However, after Murphy’s ruling, a new charter for ACIP members was published on the CDC website in June. Instead of requiring vaccine-related expertise, the new terms simply require that “members shall collectively represent a balanced range of scientific, clinical, and public health expertise relevant to the committee’s mission”. Also in June, US Senator Bernie Sanders released 253 pages of emails showing how Kennedy’s Health and Human Services (HHS) staff pressured CDC officials to influence the country’s vaccine policies. This executive order is almost certain to face legal action by health groups. As Heat Increases Women’s Vulnerability to Violence, Researchers Seek More Sensitive Policies 11/08/2026 Disha Shetty Eighty-one-year-old Felisa Cuc leads others down the path to her home in rural Sepur Zarco, Guatemala, as the women try to protect themselves from the heat. Heat disproportionately affects women. CHENNAI, India – Women in drought-prone areas are at a higher risk of intimate partner violence during the hot summer months, but heat action plans being drafted by cities and countries rarely account for this public health issue. The unique vulnerability of women to intensifying climatic events such as heatwaves was at the centre of discussions at a recent conference organised by the Chennai-based research institute, MS Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF). In the hot and humid coastal city of Chennai in southern India, women farmers, grassroots organsations, academics and experts from around 32 institutions, including two United Nations (UN) agencies, shared their experiences. “[The] key aim was to bring out issues and challenges related to women’s access to land, water and food in the context of agricultural or fisheries sectors. This included livestock, pastoralists and related occupations,” said Dr Soumya Swaminathan, the former World Health Organization (WHO) chief scientist who chairs the institute. “We also wanted to see if there are policy gaps or blind spots that we could collectively address,” she told Health Policy Watch. The UN has declared 2026 as the International Year of the Woman Farmers to draw attention to women in agriculture. However, the danger is that once 2026 is over, the world will move on from the focus on women in agriculture, said Dr Israel Oliver King ED, who heads the biodiversity programme at MSSRF. Heat and the rise in violence against women Research from India links heatwaves to a rise in intimate partner violence. Almost three-quarters (72% ) of women in drought-prone areas reported a rise in intimate partner violence during the summer months of April-June, according to preliminary results from an ongoing study led by researchers at MSSRF. The study involved over 1,050 women across seven Indian states, and is part of a larger study on the impacts of heat on the health of men and women. “Our aim is to build more evidence to touch base with the government and say, gender [vulnerability] is not a small thing,” said Dr Mohan Kumar, MSSRF’s director of health and nutrition, who is leading the study. He explained that, while geographical and socio-economic vulnerability has always received attention, gender vulnerability has not. “These deliberations will help us to actually pitch the importance of thinking of gender as the main rider in the climate vulnerability component,” Kumar said. What makes women more vulnerable to climate impacts is a combination of gender roles in their home and society, limited ownership of land and limited mobility. For instance, on a hot summer day, it is socially acceptable for men to take off their shirts to cool down but not for women, who are expected to wear several layers of clothing even in extreme heat. Recognizing women’s role in land, food and water systems Women in agrarian communities often act as custodians of seeds and biodiversity. While women do a substantial chunk of agricultural work in India, they have not been recognised as farmers by government policies or communities in the past because they do not usually own the land. While this is now changing, women’s role as custodians of seeds and agrobiodiversity is yet to be recognized, speakers said. Aditi Mukherji, the principal scientist of climate action at the International Livestock Research Institute in Kenya, said that women’s livestock knowledge is essentially genetic information. As men and women often do different tasks, they notice different parts of the agricultural and livestock systems, and when women’s voices are taken into account, policies are better, Mukherji added in a virtual address to the conference Women are often responsible for nursing sick livestock, and thus they notice climate-related signs of stress early, she added as an example. Mainstreaming gender conversations Dr Soumya Swaminathan, former WHO chief scientist and chair of MSSRF speaking at the conference in Chennai. Kumar also added that while conversations on how climate change is affecting women have picked up in recent years, the pace of research remains slow. “Bringing focus on this topic is the first step in closing research or policy gaps,” Swaminathan said. “Research is needed in the gap areas and, if done in partnership with communities, can lead to meaningful and sustainable change,” she added. Image Credits: UN Women/Ryan Brown, Unsplash/Nikita Kozlov, MSSRF. White House Attempt to Control Science Grants is Blocked – For Now 10/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) Director Russell Vought. The plan by the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to subject all United States research grants to political oversight has been halted by the US Senate – at least for now. A clause preventing the OMB from introducing any new rules was included in the non-partisan temporary spending Bill passed by the Senate in the early hours of Saturday morning. But the Bill is not yet law, and the fate of the OMB’s new law now lies with the US Congress, which will decide after its August recess whether to adopt the Senate’s resolution. The OMB’s proposed new law would enable political appointees to review all government grant proposals and to terminate existing grants if they did not align with political priorities – explicitly specifying that all awards “demonstrably advance the President’s policy priorities”. It would also prevent research on gender and diversity, equity and inclusion, and heavily restrict international scientific collaborations. OMB director Russell Vought, a key author of the right-wing Project 2025, wanted to introduce the new regulations in October. Massive outcry But the proposal sparked a massive outcry from the scientific community, with scientists stating that the new regulation undermines the non-partisan award process and politicises science. Republican Senator Susan Collins, the chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said after the Senate resolution was passed that she was pleased that the “bipartisan agreement prevents the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)’s proposed rule regarding federal financial assistance from taking effect. “I advocated for significant changes to the proposed rule in a July 6 letter to the agency, citing its potential to politicize grants and harm small, rural communities, families, and biomedical research,” Collins added. Her Democratic counterpart and committee deputy, Senator Patty Murray, said that the Bill “blocks implementation of OMB’s corrupt new grants rule for the duration of the [continuing resolution]. “The proposed rule would systematically politicize federal funding and allow Trump officials to cancel grants at any time for any reason. Enabling this rule would only give Trump the greenlight to take even more federal funding hostage.” Murray added that, while Republicans rejected “killing the proposed rule outright, I’m going to keep fighting to put a stop to it once and for all, and I will keep pressing my Republican colleagues to do exactly that”. Earlier, the Senate Democratic caucus warned that the proposal “exceeds OMB’s statutory authority, undermines Congress’s constitutional power of the purse, and would allow the President to weaponize federal grants for political purposes”. Reacting to the news, the Infectious Diseases Society of America (IDSA) and HIV Medicine Association (HIVMA) applauded Collins and Murray for the temporary block on the OMB’s ambitions. “This is an important step toward ensuring that objective merit, not political alignment, remains the primary criterion for grant awards. The OMB rule would undermine Congress’ authority by allowing the termination of federal grants by the political party in charge without cause and without any recourse for grantees,” the organisations noted. “IDSA and HIVMA call on the House of Representatives to pass the Senate continuing resolution as soon as possible to ensure uninterrupted support for research, public health programs and access to health care, especially in rural communities and among populations vulnerable to communicable diseases.” Pakistan’s HIV Surge Exposes Infection Control Failures at Health Facilities 10/08/2026 Rahul Basharat Rajput Undercover footage by the BBC filmed Taunsa health workers re-using needles and syringes multiple times while inoculating children. ISLAMABAD – Pakistan was once considered a low-prevalence country for HIV, but a series of outbreaks has infected hundreds of children and exposed fundamental weaknesses in its healthcare system. Southern Pakistan has been particularly affected, with HIV outbreaks linked to healthcare facilities documented at Taunsa in Punjab, Karachi’s Kulsim Bai Valika (KBV) Hospital, and previously in Larkana and other districts. Some 331 children are estimated to have been infected with HIV at Tehsil Headquarters (THQ) Hospital in Taunsa since last October, and investigators have blamed their infections on preventable lapses in infection prevention and control (IPC). Unlike outbreaks in many countries, where HIV transmission is primarily driven through sexual contact, repeated investigations in Pakistan have instead pointed to unsafe medical injections, poorly regulated blood transfusions and failures in sterilisation practices. Despite the alarm being raised about the rise in children’s infections earlier in the year, an undercover expose by the BBC in April showed that health workers continued to use the same needles and syringes on several children at the facility. Rise in new infections Officials from the Common Management Unit, the government department dealing with HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, reported to Parliament’s Standing Committee on Health last month that approximately 14,000 new HIV infections were detected during 2025, a figure far higher than previous annual reports. Although the country’s health ministry attributes much of the increase to expanded screening, which rose from around 37,000 people tested in 2020 to more than 374,000 in 2025, the rise has intensified concerns over persistent transmission in healthcare settings and among vulnerable populations. For many health experts, HIV has become a barometer of Pakistan’s broader health system, revealing broader weaknesses in regulation, governance, surveillance and primary healthcare that extend well beyond the virus itself. “Every outbreak should have been a lesson,” says Professor Hasan Abbas Zaheer, a World Health Organization (WHO) adviser on blood safety. “Similar failures continue to emerge in different provinces, indicating that the underlying problems have not been resolved.” Zaheer believes that Pakistan is facing a broader collapse of infection prevention and control. Unless hospitals, laboratories and blood banks consistently adhere to internationally accepted standards – and regulators enforce those standards – the country is likely to continue responding to outbreaks after they occur rather than preventing them, he argues. Taunsa and Karachi outbreaks The Taunsa outbreak illustrates the consequences of these failures. Between late 2024 and early 2025, more than 330 children were infected, with three-quarters of infections occurring in children younger than five years. Investigators found little evidence that their mothers were living with HIV, making mother-to-child transmission unlikely. Instead, the investigation pointed towards healthcare-associated transmission through unsafe injections, blood transfusions and inadequate infection control. Instead, the investigation documented multiple breaches of basic clinical practice. Standard infection prevention protocols were often absent or ignored, while intravenous infusion sets were reportedly reused, waste disposal systems were inadequate and appropriate paediatric auto-disable syringes were unavailable. Larger syringes that were designed for hospital procedures were sometimes used repeatedly in paediatric care, increasing the risk of cross-contamination. Meanwhile, a government investigation into an HIV outbreak involving 130 people – mostly children – at Karachi’s government-run Kulsum Bai Valika Hospital reported back last month. It blamed the increase in HIV cases documented from last October on failures in sterilisation procedures, improper handling of single-use syringes, inadequate supervision, poor biomedical waste management and weak compliance with infection prevention guidelines. Provincial authorities have since suspended dozens of healthcare workers and administrators while strengthening treatment services for affected children. Ban on substandard syringes The Pakistani government has banned substandard injections to curb HIV. Last month, following a high-level review of the HIV outbreaks ordered by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, officials recommended several reforms aimed at strengthening infection control, improving surveillance and tightening regulation of medical devices. These include a nationwide ban on the manufacture and use of substandard syringes. The Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) has also approved the phase-out of conventional disposable 1cc and 10cc syringes from January 2027, extending earlier regulations that already required auto-disable syringes for smaller volumes. The decision follows years of evidence linking syringe reuse to HIV outbreaks. Investigations into recent clusters consistently identified unsafe injections as one of the principal drivers of transmission. In many facilities, particularly where infection prevention standards are weak, single-use syringes and intravenous equipment have reportedly been reused or handled improperly, allowing blood-borne viruses to spread between patients. Systemic problems Experts caution, however, that focusing solely on syringes risks overlooking broader systemic issues. Unsafe injections are often a symptom rather than the root cause of the problem. Weak regulation of private clinics, inadequate inspection systems, inconsistent enforcement of infection control standards and shortages of trained healthcare workers all contribute to an environment in which unsafe practices can persist. Former federal health minister and WHO official Dr Zafar Mirza argues that the recurring outbreaks should be viewed as evidence of wider governance failures. The Taunsa outbreak, he said, exposed shortcomings not only in infection prevention but also in blood safety, healthcare regulation, disease surveillance and accountability. Although a government task force has proposed reforms across these areas, implementation has remained slow even as new clusters continue to emerge. Inadequate surveillance While unsafe medical practices have attracted the greatest public attention, Pakistan’s surveillance system represents another major vulnerability. The Ministry of Health estimates that more than 84,000 people are currently registered as living with HIV and receiving care through the national programme. However, officials acknowledge that the true burden is substantially higher – and the WHO and UNAIDS put the figure at over 350,000 people. Federal Health Minister Mustafa Kamal recently said that approximately 20,000 additional infections remain unreported, despite a dramatic expansion of HIV testing capacity over the past five years. Health authorities argue that the sharp increase in reported infections partly reflects improved case finding rather than an explosion of transmission. Screening capacity has expanded tenfold since 2020, enabling health workers to identify infections that previously remained undiagnosed. But weak surveillance continues to limit Pakistan’s ability to detect emerging hotspots before they become full-scale outbreaks. The Taunsa investigation also found that hospitals and clinics lacked reliable digital reporting systems, standard case notification procedures and mechanisms for sharing surveillance data between districts and provinces. These gaps delayed recognition of transmission patterns and slowed public health responses. Tracking patients after diagnosis also remains a major challenge. Parliamentary discussions highlighted the problem of “missing patients”: individuals who register at antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres but subsequently discontinue treatment or are lost to follow-up. Without effective counselling and monitoring, these interruptions increase the risk of poorer health outcomes and continued HIV transmission. Public health specialists argue that surveillance should extend beyond simply counting new diagnoses. It should also identify transmission networks, monitor healthcare-associated infections, evaluate infection prevention practices and rapidly detect clusters before they spread. Zaheer believes Pakistan could strengthen these efforts by integrating surveillance data across provinces and using digital technologies, including artificial intelligence, to identify emerging hotspots in real time. Stigma limits HIV response While Pakistan has expanded HIV testing and treatment services in recent years, prevention has not kept pace with the changing nature of the epidemic. The number of government-supported antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres has more than doubled from 44 in 2020 to 97 in 2025, with plans to increase the network to around 166 facilities. But access remains uneven, particularly outside major cities. For many Pakistanis, HIV testing is still not part of routine primary healthcare. Instead, people are often tested only after they develop symptoms, require surgery, donate blood or are identified during an outbreak investigation. Stigma remains one of the greatest barriers. Health officials told the Parliamentary health committee that fear of discrimination discourages many people from seeking testing or treatment, while misconceptions about HIV continue to fuel secrecy and delayed diagnosis. The Pakistan Medical Association (PMA) has also warned that thousands of infections remain undetected because people are reluctant to access healthcare services for fear of being ostracised by their families or communities. Pakistan’s HIV epidemic remains concentrated among people who inject drugs, men who have sex with men, transgender people and sex workers. These groups frequently encounter discrimination in healthcare settings and are often excluded from mainstream health programmes. Community organisations have long argued that HIV services remain overly dependent on donor-funded outreach projects rather than being integrated into routine primary healthcare. WHO Representative in Pakistan Dr Luo Dapeng, Pakistan’s Health Director General Dr Ayesha Majeed Isani, and UNAIDS Director in Pakistan, Trouble Chikoko, lead an HIV awareness walk Hidden sexual networks? Although the outbreak primarily affected children infected through unsafe healthcare practices, investigators also warned of “hidden sexual networks” operating largely outside existing surveillance and prevention programmes. Without confidential testing, community outreach and culturally appropriate prevention services, these networks could sustain HIV transmission while remaining largely invisible to health authorities. Women also face distinct barriers. Although Pakistan has made progress in preventing mother-to-child transmission, reproductive health services and HIV care are often delivered separately, limiting opportunities for routine screening and counselling during pregnancy. Many women are diagnosed only after a spouse or child tests positive, reflecting broader gaps in sexual and reproductive healthcare. The PMA has urged the government to make confidential, rapid HIV testing available free of charge across primary and secondary healthcare facilities, while investing in training for healthcare workers to reduce discrimination and improve counselling. It has also called for greater access to modern biomedical prevention strategies alongside expanded treatment services. Although antiretroviral medicines suppress the virus and dramatically reduce the risk of transmission, they depend on early diagnosis, uninterrupted drug supplies and sustained patient engagement. Without addressing stigma, expanding community-based prevention and ensuring equitable access to care, many people will continue to enter the health system only after they become seriously ill—or after an outbreak has already occurred. Could long-acting HIV prevention change the response? While Pakistan struggles to contain healthcare-associated outbreaks, the global HIV response is entering a new era defined by long-acting prevention technologies that could dramatically reduce new infections. Lenacapavir, a long-acting injectable medicine administered only twice a year, has demonstrated almost total prevention of HIV transmission in clinical trials. Researchers also reported progress on other long-acting technologies, including injectable combinations that provide both contraception and HIV prevention, three-month vaginal rings and real-world implementation of a monthly injectable cabotegravir in African countries. Global health experts increasingly view these medicines as potential game changers, particularly for people who struggle to take daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Receiving two injections a year could substantially improve adherence while reducing the risk of HIV transmission among people at elevated risk of infection. But Pakistan has yet to establish broad access to conventional HIV prevention services. Oral PrEP remains available only through limited pilot initiatives and donor-supported programmes. Long-acting injectable prevention is therefore unlikely to become widely accessible without significant investment, regulatory approval and financial support from international partners. Experts nevertheless argue that Pakistan should begin preparing now rather than waiting for the medicines to become widely available globally. Planning for procurement, regulatory approval, healthcare worker training and financing could enable the country to introduce new prevention technologies more rapidly once prices fall and generic versions become available. Mirza believes Pakistan’s response must move beyond emergency outbreak management towards a comprehensive public health strategy that integrates infection prevention, disease surveillance, blood safety, governance and community engagement. Zaheer also sees an opportunity to modernise Pakistan’s surveillance systems through digital technologies. Better integration of laboratory data, hospital reporting and provincial surveillance could help identify emerging clusters before they expand into large outbreaks. Artificial intelligence, he argues, could assist health authorities in recognising transmission patterns, predicting hotspots and directing scarce resources towards areas of greatest need. Yet specialists caution that new policies and regulations alone will not prevent future outbreaks if enforcement remains weak. Previous bans on conventional syringes were inconsistently implemented, allowing unsafe products to remain widely available. Likewise, investigations following successive HIV outbreaks have repeatedly identified similar failures in infection prevention despite earlier recommendations. Image Credits: BBC, Wuestenigel/Flickr, Hamid Inam/ WHO Pakistan. Alarming Ebola Spread Raises Question of Viral Mutation 07/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan DRC President Felix Tshisekedi (left) meeting WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (right) and other health officials this week. Over 4,000 Ebola Bundibugyo cases and 1,800 deaths have been recorded so far in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – numbers so alarming that health experts intend to research whether the virus is mutating to become more infectious. This was revealed by Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, at a media briefing on Thursday. In the past 12 weeks, the current outbreak has grown at eight times the pace of the world’s biggest Ebola outbreak, which took place in West Africa between 2018 and 2020. Every day in the past week, 75 new cases and 35 deaths have been recorded. Kaseya said that he and World Health Organization (WHO) Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus had agreed on Wednesday “to conduct a study to check if there is no additional issue, or maybe if the virus is not mutating, because the level of severity of this Bundibugyo outbreak is unprecedented”. Tedros, Kaseya and Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO’s Africa regional director, led a joint high-level mission to the DRC and Uganda earlier in the week, including a meeting with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. Following the two-day mission, the two organisations called for “an urgent scale-up of the community-led Ebola response in the DRC, with stronger early detection, contact follow-up, access to care, support for frontline health workers and faster delivery of resources to affected communities”. Tedros also said: “Building trust and respecting local traditions, including around safe and dignified burials, are essential to reaching affected communities and stopping transmission.” Community engagement Kaseya said one of the main purposes of the delegation’s visit to Bunia, one of the Ebola hotspots in the DRC, was to listen to communities. “We didn’t go there to blame them. We didn’t go there to tell them what they have to do. We went there to listen. I had a room of more than 100 people coming from organisations, associations, coming from those who were infected with Ebola, and young people, women. All of them were sharing a critical message: We are not involved, and we want to be involved.” Kaseya said that internet connectivity via Starlink will be extended to all villages in Ituri to enable timely data and information about the outbreak. After Bunia, the delegation met with Tshisekedi and other top government officials in the DRC capital of Kinshasa and resolved to take the outbreak response to the village level in Ituri’s 6,542 villages to reach people more effectively. The outbreak has not yet reached Kinshasa, but on Thursday the DRC government stopped a boat with 200 passengers from reaching the capital after a patient with suspected Ebola symptoms had disembarked and died. The boat had been travelling from Kisangi in the north-east to Kinshasa but had been stopped about 65km from the capital and all passengers were tested. Kinshasa has a population of around 17 million. Striking health workers Health workers protesting outside the Ituri governor’s residence over unpaid wages this week. Tedros added that, in their meeting with Tshisekedi, they discussed “the need to continue to protect and support frontline health and community workers, including by ensuring they have adequate personal protective equipment, and are compensated for their work”. Around 140 health workers have been infected with Ebola in the current outbreak. There have been several protests and strikes by health and other workers involved in the outbreak response over unpaid wages. Health workers in Ituri protested outside the governor’s office on Thursday, saying that they have not been paid salaries or allowances since May. In mid-July, health workers at Bunia General Hospital in northeastern Ituri went on strike, saying that they had not been paid since the outbreak started despite working under difficult conditions. Healthcare workers and grave diggers at the Rwampara General Hospital, also in Ituri, went on strike over unpaid wages in early July. However, Kaseya told the media briefing that it was the responsibility of the DRC government, not their outbreak partners, to pay their health workers. “We will not hear again about the strikes of health workers. The government yesterday told me that they have money to pay health workers,” he insisted. But he added that some funding is available from the “humanitarian budget” for free healthcare services to all people in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, which are worst affected by Ebola. Since the start of the outbreak, the DRC government has offered free health services to those living in these provinces to encourage people to go to health facilities. More deaths in communities than facilities One of the most disconcerting aspects of the DRC outbreak is that most deaths are being recorded in communities, not health facilities. Last week, 67% of Ebola deaths were in communities, usually identified via tests administered after death. “The contact lists don’t mean anything because it is not accurate,” said Kaseya, once again highlighting weaknesses around tracing people who have been in close contact with confirmed cases. On average, around 10 contacts per patient in the DRC have been recorded in comparison to 40+ in Uganda, which contained its Bundibugyo outbreak at 20 cases. Kaseya also revealed that the bed occupancy rate in Ituri province, one of the hotspots, ranged between 56-69% – way lower than in Nord Kivu, where Ebola treatment centres were 128-157% full. Several treatment centres in Ituri have been attacked and burnt in the past. Uganda’s case fatality was 10% in comparison to the DRC’s 44%, and Kaseya suggested this could be because every patient was given the antiviral medicine, Remdesivir. A trial to test Remdesivir’s efficacy against Bundibugyo is currently underway in the DRC, along with another antiviral known as MPP134. However, only 68 people have been recruited so far. US pledges more funds Meanwhile, the US State Department announced on Wednesday that it intends to provide an additional $242 million in funding for “immediate Ebola response and preparedness efforts in the region and humanitarian assistance related to the outbreak”. “The Department of State’s assistance announcements to combat the outbreak have now exceeded $512 million in direct assistance, enabling implementing organizations to expand the ongoing response in Africa,” said the State Department, adding that it had already made $350 million available for “critical humanitarian assistance in the DRC, South Sudan, and Uganda”. Kaseya said that, taking into account the latest US contribution, $472 million had been released and almost $700 million was expected. Image Credits: Aljazeera. EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
As Heat Increases Women’s Vulnerability to Violence, Researchers Seek More Sensitive Policies 11/08/2026 Disha Shetty Eighty-one-year-old Felisa Cuc leads others down the path to her home in rural Sepur Zarco, Guatemala, as the women try to protect themselves from the heat. Heat disproportionately affects women. CHENNAI, India – Women in drought-prone areas are at a higher risk of intimate partner violence during the hot summer months, but heat action plans being drafted by cities and countries rarely account for this public health issue. The unique vulnerability of women to intensifying climatic events such as heatwaves was at the centre of discussions at a recent conference organised by the Chennai-based research institute, MS Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF). In the hot and humid coastal city of Chennai in southern India, women farmers, grassroots organsations, academics and experts from around 32 institutions, including two United Nations (UN) agencies, shared their experiences. “[The] key aim was to bring out issues and challenges related to women’s access to land, water and food in the context of agricultural or fisheries sectors. This included livestock, pastoralists and related occupations,” said Dr Soumya Swaminathan, the former World Health Organization (WHO) chief scientist who chairs the institute. “We also wanted to see if there are policy gaps or blind spots that we could collectively address,” she told Health Policy Watch. The UN has declared 2026 as the International Year of the Woman Farmers to draw attention to women in agriculture. However, the danger is that once 2026 is over, the world will move on from the focus on women in agriculture, said Dr Israel Oliver King ED, who heads the biodiversity programme at MSSRF. Heat and the rise in violence against women Research from India links heatwaves to a rise in intimate partner violence. Almost three-quarters (72% ) of women in drought-prone areas reported a rise in intimate partner violence during the summer months of April-June, according to preliminary results from an ongoing study led by researchers at MSSRF. The study involved over 1,050 women across seven Indian states, and is part of a larger study on the impacts of heat on the health of men and women. “Our aim is to build more evidence to touch base with the government and say, gender [vulnerability] is not a small thing,” said Dr Mohan Kumar, MSSRF’s director of health and nutrition, who is leading the study. He explained that, while geographical and socio-economic vulnerability has always received attention, gender vulnerability has not. “These deliberations will help us to actually pitch the importance of thinking of gender as the main rider in the climate vulnerability component,” Kumar said. What makes women more vulnerable to climate impacts is a combination of gender roles in their home and society, limited ownership of land and limited mobility. For instance, on a hot summer day, it is socially acceptable for men to take off their shirts to cool down but not for women, who are expected to wear several layers of clothing even in extreme heat. Recognizing women’s role in land, food and water systems Women in agrarian communities often act as custodians of seeds and biodiversity. While women do a substantial chunk of agricultural work in India, they have not been recognised as farmers by government policies or communities in the past because they do not usually own the land. While this is now changing, women’s role as custodians of seeds and agrobiodiversity is yet to be recognized, speakers said. Aditi Mukherji, the principal scientist of climate action at the International Livestock Research Institute in Kenya, said that women’s livestock knowledge is essentially genetic information. As men and women often do different tasks, they notice different parts of the agricultural and livestock systems, and when women’s voices are taken into account, policies are better, Mukherji added in a virtual address to the conference Women are often responsible for nursing sick livestock, and thus they notice climate-related signs of stress early, she added as an example. Mainstreaming gender conversations Dr Soumya Swaminathan, former WHO chief scientist and chair of MSSRF speaking at the conference in Chennai. Kumar also added that while conversations on how climate change is affecting women have picked up in recent years, the pace of research remains slow. “Bringing focus on this topic is the first step in closing research or policy gaps,” Swaminathan said. “Research is needed in the gap areas and, if done in partnership with communities, can lead to meaningful and sustainable change,” she added. Image Credits: UN Women/Ryan Brown, Unsplash/Nikita Kozlov, MSSRF. White House Attempt to Control Science Grants is Blocked – For Now 10/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) Director Russell Vought. The plan by the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to subject all United States research grants to political oversight has been halted by the US Senate – at least for now. A clause preventing the OMB from introducing any new rules was included in the non-partisan temporary spending Bill passed by the Senate in the early hours of Saturday morning. But the Bill is not yet law, and the fate of the OMB’s new law now lies with the US Congress, which will decide after its August recess whether to adopt the Senate’s resolution. The OMB’s proposed new law would enable political appointees to review all government grant proposals and to terminate existing grants if they did not align with political priorities – explicitly specifying that all awards “demonstrably advance the President’s policy priorities”. It would also prevent research on gender and diversity, equity and inclusion, and heavily restrict international scientific collaborations. OMB director Russell Vought, a key author of the right-wing Project 2025, wanted to introduce the new regulations in October. Massive outcry But the proposal sparked a massive outcry from the scientific community, with scientists stating that the new regulation undermines the non-partisan award process and politicises science. Republican Senator Susan Collins, the chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said after the Senate resolution was passed that she was pleased that the “bipartisan agreement prevents the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)’s proposed rule regarding federal financial assistance from taking effect. “I advocated for significant changes to the proposed rule in a July 6 letter to the agency, citing its potential to politicize grants and harm small, rural communities, families, and biomedical research,” Collins added. Her Democratic counterpart and committee deputy, Senator Patty Murray, said that the Bill “blocks implementation of OMB’s corrupt new grants rule for the duration of the [continuing resolution]. “The proposed rule would systematically politicize federal funding and allow Trump officials to cancel grants at any time for any reason. Enabling this rule would only give Trump the greenlight to take even more federal funding hostage.” Murray added that, while Republicans rejected “killing the proposed rule outright, I’m going to keep fighting to put a stop to it once and for all, and I will keep pressing my Republican colleagues to do exactly that”. Earlier, the Senate Democratic caucus warned that the proposal “exceeds OMB’s statutory authority, undermines Congress’s constitutional power of the purse, and would allow the President to weaponize federal grants for political purposes”. Reacting to the news, the Infectious Diseases Society of America (IDSA) and HIV Medicine Association (HIVMA) applauded Collins and Murray for the temporary block on the OMB’s ambitions. “This is an important step toward ensuring that objective merit, not political alignment, remains the primary criterion for grant awards. The OMB rule would undermine Congress’ authority by allowing the termination of federal grants by the political party in charge without cause and without any recourse for grantees,” the organisations noted. “IDSA and HIVMA call on the House of Representatives to pass the Senate continuing resolution as soon as possible to ensure uninterrupted support for research, public health programs and access to health care, especially in rural communities and among populations vulnerable to communicable diseases.” Pakistan’s HIV Surge Exposes Infection Control Failures at Health Facilities 10/08/2026 Rahul Basharat Rajput Undercover footage by the BBC filmed Taunsa health workers re-using needles and syringes multiple times while inoculating children. ISLAMABAD – Pakistan was once considered a low-prevalence country for HIV, but a series of outbreaks has infected hundreds of children and exposed fundamental weaknesses in its healthcare system. Southern Pakistan has been particularly affected, with HIV outbreaks linked to healthcare facilities documented at Taunsa in Punjab, Karachi’s Kulsim Bai Valika (KBV) Hospital, and previously in Larkana and other districts. Some 331 children are estimated to have been infected with HIV at Tehsil Headquarters (THQ) Hospital in Taunsa since last October, and investigators have blamed their infections on preventable lapses in infection prevention and control (IPC). Unlike outbreaks in many countries, where HIV transmission is primarily driven through sexual contact, repeated investigations in Pakistan have instead pointed to unsafe medical injections, poorly regulated blood transfusions and failures in sterilisation practices. Despite the alarm being raised about the rise in children’s infections earlier in the year, an undercover expose by the BBC in April showed that health workers continued to use the same needles and syringes on several children at the facility. Rise in new infections Officials from the Common Management Unit, the government department dealing with HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, reported to Parliament’s Standing Committee on Health last month that approximately 14,000 new HIV infections were detected during 2025, a figure far higher than previous annual reports. Although the country’s health ministry attributes much of the increase to expanded screening, which rose from around 37,000 people tested in 2020 to more than 374,000 in 2025, the rise has intensified concerns over persistent transmission in healthcare settings and among vulnerable populations. For many health experts, HIV has become a barometer of Pakistan’s broader health system, revealing broader weaknesses in regulation, governance, surveillance and primary healthcare that extend well beyond the virus itself. “Every outbreak should have been a lesson,” says Professor Hasan Abbas Zaheer, a World Health Organization (WHO) adviser on blood safety. “Similar failures continue to emerge in different provinces, indicating that the underlying problems have not been resolved.” Zaheer believes that Pakistan is facing a broader collapse of infection prevention and control. Unless hospitals, laboratories and blood banks consistently adhere to internationally accepted standards – and regulators enforce those standards – the country is likely to continue responding to outbreaks after they occur rather than preventing them, he argues. Taunsa and Karachi outbreaks The Taunsa outbreak illustrates the consequences of these failures. Between late 2024 and early 2025, more than 330 children were infected, with three-quarters of infections occurring in children younger than five years. Investigators found little evidence that their mothers were living with HIV, making mother-to-child transmission unlikely. Instead, the investigation pointed towards healthcare-associated transmission through unsafe injections, blood transfusions and inadequate infection control. Instead, the investigation documented multiple breaches of basic clinical practice. Standard infection prevention protocols were often absent or ignored, while intravenous infusion sets were reportedly reused, waste disposal systems were inadequate and appropriate paediatric auto-disable syringes were unavailable. Larger syringes that were designed for hospital procedures were sometimes used repeatedly in paediatric care, increasing the risk of cross-contamination. Meanwhile, a government investigation into an HIV outbreak involving 130 people – mostly children – at Karachi’s government-run Kulsum Bai Valika Hospital reported back last month. It blamed the increase in HIV cases documented from last October on failures in sterilisation procedures, improper handling of single-use syringes, inadequate supervision, poor biomedical waste management and weak compliance with infection prevention guidelines. Provincial authorities have since suspended dozens of healthcare workers and administrators while strengthening treatment services for affected children. Ban on substandard syringes The Pakistani government has banned substandard injections to curb HIV. Last month, following a high-level review of the HIV outbreaks ordered by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, officials recommended several reforms aimed at strengthening infection control, improving surveillance and tightening regulation of medical devices. These include a nationwide ban on the manufacture and use of substandard syringes. The Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) has also approved the phase-out of conventional disposable 1cc and 10cc syringes from January 2027, extending earlier regulations that already required auto-disable syringes for smaller volumes. The decision follows years of evidence linking syringe reuse to HIV outbreaks. Investigations into recent clusters consistently identified unsafe injections as one of the principal drivers of transmission. In many facilities, particularly where infection prevention standards are weak, single-use syringes and intravenous equipment have reportedly been reused or handled improperly, allowing blood-borne viruses to spread between patients. Systemic problems Experts caution, however, that focusing solely on syringes risks overlooking broader systemic issues. Unsafe injections are often a symptom rather than the root cause of the problem. Weak regulation of private clinics, inadequate inspection systems, inconsistent enforcement of infection control standards and shortages of trained healthcare workers all contribute to an environment in which unsafe practices can persist. Former federal health minister and WHO official Dr Zafar Mirza argues that the recurring outbreaks should be viewed as evidence of wider governance failures. The Taunsa outbreak, he said, exposed shortcomings not only in infection prevention but also in blood safety, healthcare regulation, disease surveillance and accountability. Although a government task force has proposed reforms across these areas, implementation has remained slow even as new clusters continue to emerge. Inadequate surveillance While unsafe medical practices have attracted the greatest public attention, Pakistan’s surveillance system represents another major vulnerability. The Ministry of Health estimates that more than 84,000 people are currently registered as living with HIV and receiving care through the national programme. However, officials acknowledge that the true burden is substantially higher – and the WHO and UNAIDS put the figure at over 350,000 people. Federal Health Minister Mustafa Kamal recently said that approximately 20,000 additional infections remain unreported, despite a dramatic expansion of HIV testing capacity over the past five years. Health authorities argue that the sharp increase in reported infections partly reflects improved case finding rather than an explosion of transmission. Screening capacity has expanded tenfold since 2020, enabling health workers to identify infections that previously remained undiagnosed. But weak surveillance continues to limit Pakistan’s ability to detect emerging hotspots before they become full-scale outbreaks. The Taunsa investigation also found that hospitals and clinics lacked reliable digital reporting systems, standard case notification procedures and mechanisms for sharing surveillance data between districts and provinces. These gaps delayed recognition of transmission patterns and slowed public health responses. Tracking patients after diagnosis also remains a major challenge. Parliamentary discussions highlighted the problem of “missing patients”: individuals who register at antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres but subsequently discontinue treatment or are lost to follow-up. Without effective counselling and monitoring, these interruptions increase the risk of poorer health outcomes and continued HIV transmission. Public health specialists argue that surveillance should extend beyond simply counting new diagnoses. It should also identify transmission networks, monitor healthcare-associated infections, evaluate infection prevention practices and rapidly detect clusters before they spread. Zaheer believes Pakistan could strengthen these efforts by integrating surveillance data across provinces and using digital technologies, including artificial intelligence, to identify emerging hotspots in real time. Stigma limits HIV response While Pakistan has expanded HIV testing and treatment services in recent years, prevention has not kept pace with the changing nature of the epidemic. The number of government-supported antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres has more than doubled from 44 in 2020 to 97 in 2025, with plans to increase the network to around 166 facilities. But access remains uneven, particularly outside major cities. For many Pakistanis, HIV testing is still not part of routine primary healthcare. Instead, people are often tested only after they develop symptoms, require surgery, donate blood or are identified during an outbreak investigation. Stigma remains one of the greatest barriers. Health officials told the Parliamentary health committee that fear of discrimination discourages many people from seeking testing or treatment, while misconceptions about HIV continue to fuel secrecy and delayed diagnosis. The Pakistan Medical Association (PMA) has also warned that thousands of infections remain undetected because people are reluctant to access healthcare services for fear of being ostracised by their families or communities. Pakistan’s HIV epidemic remains concentrated among people who inject drugs, men who have sex with men, transgender people and sex workers. These groups frequently encounter discrimination in healthcare settings and are often excluded from mainstream health programmes. Community organisations have long argued that HIV services remain overly dependent on donor-funded outreach projects rather than being integrated into routine primary healthcare. WHO Representative in Pakistan Dr Luo Dapeng, Pakistan’s Health Director General Dr Ayesha Majeed Isani, and UNAIDS Director in Pakistan, Trouble Chikoko, lead an HIV awareness walk Hidden sexual networks? Although the outbreak primarily affected children infected through unsafe healthcare practices, investigators also warned of “hidden sexual networks” operating largely outside existing surveillance and prevention programmes. Without confidential testing, community outreach and culturally appropriate prevention services, these networks could sustain HIV transmission while remaining largely invisible to health authorities. Women also face distinct barriers. Although Pakistan has made progress in preventing mother-to-child transmission, reproductive health services and HIV care are often delivered separately, limiting opportunities for routine screening and counselling during pregnancy. Many women are diagnosed only after a spouse or child tests positive, reflecting broader gaps in sexual and reproductive healthcare. The PMA has urged the government to make confidential, rapid HIV testing available free of charge across primary and secondary healthcare facilities, while investing in training for healthcare workers to reduce discrimination and improve counselling. It has also called for greater access to modern biomedical prevention strategies alongside expanded treatment services. Although antiretroviral medicines suppress the virus and dramatically reduce the risk of transmission, they depend on early diagnosis, uninterrupted drug supplies and sustained patient engagement. Without addressing stigma, expanding community-based prevention and ensuring equitable access to care, many people will continue to enter the health system only after they become seriously ill—or after an outbreak has already occurred. Could long-acting HIV prevention change the response? While Pakistan struggles to contain healthcare-associated outbreaks, the global HIV response is entering a new era defined by long-acting prevention technologies that could dramatically reduce new infections. Lenacapavir, a long-acting injectable medicine administered only twice a year, has demonstrated almost total prevention of HIV transmission in clinical trials. Researchers also reported progress on other long-acting technologies, including injectable combinations that provide both contraception and HIV prevention, three-month vaginal rings and real-world implementation of a monthly injectable cabotegravir in African countries. Global health experts increasingly view these medicines as potential game changers, particularly for people who struggle to take daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Receiving two injections a year could substantially improve adherence while reducing the risk of HIV transmission among people at elevated risk of infection. But Pakistan has yet to establish broad access to conventional HIV prevention services. Oral PrEP remains available only through limited pilot initiatives and donor-supported programmes. Long-acting injectable prevention is therefore unlikely to become widely accessible without significant investment, regulatory approval and financial support from international partners. Experts nevertheless argue that Pakistan should begin preparing now rather than waiting for the medicines to become widely available globally. Planning for procurement, regulatory approval, healthcare worker training and financing could enable the country to introduce new prevention technologies more rapidly once prices fall and generic versions become available. Mirza believes Pakistan’s response must move beyond emergency outbreak management towards a comprehensive public health strategy that integrates infection prevention, disease surveillance, blood safety, governance and community engagement. Zaheer also sees an opportunity to modernise Pakistan’s surveillance systems through digital technologies. Better integration of laboratory data, hospital reporting and provincial surveillance could help identify emerging clusters before they expand into large outbreaks. Artificial intelligence, he argues, could assist health authorities in recognising transmission patterns, predicting hotspots and directing scarce resources towards areas of greatest need. Yet specialists caution that new policies and regulations alone will not prevent future outbreaks if enforcement remains weak. Previous bans on conventional syringes were inconsistently implemented, allowing unsafe products to remain widely available. Likewise, investigations following successive HIV outbreaks have repeatedly identified similar failures in infection prevention despite earlier recommendations. Image Credits: BBC, Wuestenigel/Flickr, Hamid Inam/ WHO Pakistan. Alarming Ebola Spread Raises Question of Viral Mutation 07/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan DRC President Felix Tshisekedi (left) meeting WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (right) and other health officials this week. Over 4,000 Ebola Bundibugyo cases and 1,800 deaths have been recorded so far in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – numbers so alarming that health experts intend to research whether the virus is mutating to become more infectious. This was revealed by Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, at a media briefing on Thursday. In the past 12 weeks, the current outbreak has grown at eight times the pace of the world’s biggest Ebola outbreak, which took place in West Africa between 2018 and 2020. Every day in the past week, 75 new cases and 35 deaths have been recorded. Kaseya said that he and World Health Organization (WHO) Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus had agreed on Wednesday “to conduct a study to check if there is no additional issue, or maybe if the virus is not mutating, because the level of severity of this Bundibugyo outbreak is unprecedented”. Tedros, Kaseya and Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO’s Africa regional director, led a joint high-level mission to the DRC and Uganda earlier in the week, including a meeting with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. Following the two-day mission, the two organisations called for “an urgent scale-up of the community-led Ebola response in the DRC, with stronger early detection, contact follow-up, access to care, support for frontline health workers and faster delivery of resources to affected communities”. Tedros also said: “Building trust and respecting local traditions, including around safe and dignified burials, are essential to reaching affected communities and stopping transmission.” Community engagement Kaseya said one of the main purposes of the delegation’s visit to Bunia, one of the Ebola hotspots in the DRC, was to listen to communities. “We didn’t go there to blame them. We didn’t go there to tell them what they have to do. We went there to listen. I had a room of more than 100 people coming from organisations, associations, coming from those who were infected with Ebola, and young people, women. All of them were sharing a critical message: We are not involved, and we want to be involved.” Kaseya said that internet connectivity via Starlink will be extended to all villages in Ituri to enable timely data and information about the outbreak. After Bunia, the delegation met with Tshisekedi and other top government officials in the DRC capital of Kinshasa and resolved to take the outbreak response to the village level in Ituri’s 6,542 villages to reach people more effectively. The outbreak has not yet reached Kinshasa, but on Thursday the DRC government stopped a boat with 200 passengers from reaching the capital after a patient with suspected Ebola symptoms had disembarked and died. The boat had been travelling from Kisangi in the north-east to Kinshasa but had been stopped about 65km from the capital and all passengers were tested. Kinshasa has a population of around 17 million. Striking health workers Health workers protesting outside the Ituri governor’s residence over unpaid wages this week. Tedros added that, in their meeting with Tshisekedi, they discussed “the need to continue to protect and support frontline health and community workers, including by ensuring they have adequate personal protective equipment, and are compensated for their work”. Around 140 health workers have been infected with Ebola in the current outbreak. There have been several protests and strikes by health and other workers involved in the outbreak response over unpaid wages. Health workers in Ituri protested outside the governor’s office on Thursday, saying that they have not been paid salaries or allowances since May. In mid-July, health workers at Bunia General Hospital in northeastern Ituri went on strike, saying that they had not been paid since the outbreak started despite working under difficult conditions. Healthcare workers and grave diggers at the Rwampara General Hospital, also in Ituri, went on strike over unpaid wages in early July. However, Kaseya told the media briefing that it was the responsibility of the DRC government, not their outbreak partners, to pay their health workers. “We will not hear again about the strikes of health workers. The government yesterday told me that they have money to pay health workers,” he insisted. But he added that some funding is available from the “humanitarian budget” for free healthcare services to all people in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, which are worst affected by Ebola. Since the start of the outbreak, the DRC government has offered free health services to those living in these provinces to encourage people to go to health facilities. More deaths in communities than facilities One of the most disconcerting aspects of the DRC outbreak is that most deaths are being recorded in communities, not health facilities. Last week, 67% of Ebola deaths were in communities, usually identified via tests administered after death. “The contact lists don’t mean anything because it is not accurate,” said Kaseya, once again highlighting weaknesses around tracing people who have been in close contact with confirmed cases. On average, around 10 contacts per patient in the DRC have been recorded in comparison to 40+ in Uganda, which contained its Bundibugyo outbreak at 20 cases. Kaseya also revealed that the bed occupancy rate in Ituri province, one of the hotspots, ranged between 56-69% – way lower than in Nord Kivu, where Ebola treatment centres were 128-157% full. Several treatment centres in Ituri have been attacked and burnt in the past. Uganda’s case fatality was 10% in comparison to the DRC’s 44%, and Kaseya suggested this could be because every patient was given the antiviral medicine, Remdesivir. A trial to test Remdesivir’s efficacy against Bundibugyo is currently underway in the DRC, along with another antiviral known as MPP134. However, only 68 people have been recruited so far. US pledges more funds Meanwhile, the US State Department announced on Wednesday that it intends to provide an additional $242 million in funding for “immediate Ebola response and preparedness efforts in the region and humanitarian assistance related to the outbreak”. “The Department of State’s assistance announcements to combat the outbreak have now exceeded $512 million in direct assistance, enabling implementing organizations to expand the ongoing response in Africa,” said the State Department, adding that it had already made $350 million available for “critical humanitarian assistance in the DRC, South Sudan, and Uganda”. Kaseya said that, taking into account the latest US contribution, $472 million had been released and almost $700 million was expected. Image Credits: Aljazeera. EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
White House Attempt to Control Science Grants is Blocked – For Now 10/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) Director Russell Vought. The plan by the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to subject all United States research grants to political oversight has been halted by the US Senate – at least for now. A clause preventing the OMB from introducing any new rules was included in the non-partisan temporary spending Bill passed by the Senate in the early hours of Saturday morning. But the Bill is not yet law, and the fate of the OMB’s new law now lies with the US Congress, which will decide after its August recess whether to adopt the Senate’s resolution. The OMB’s proposed new law would enable political appointees to review all government grant proposals and to terminate existing grants if they did not align with political priorities – explicitly specifying that all awards “demonstrably advance the President’s policy priorities”. It would also prevent research on gender and diversity, equity and inclusion, and heavily restrict international scientific collaborations. OMB director Russell Vought, a key author of the right-wing Project 2025, wanted to introduce the new regulations in October. Massive outcry But the proposal sparked a massive outcry from the scientific community, with scientists stating that the new regulation undermines the non-partisan award process and politicises science. Republican Senator Susan Collins, the chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said after the Senate resolution was passed that she was pleased that the “bipartisan agreement prevents the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)’s proposed rule regarding federal financial assistance from taking effect. “I advocated for significant changes to the proposed rule in a July 6 letter to the agency, citing its potential to politicize grants and harm small, rural communities, families, and biomedical research,” Collins added. Her Democratic counterpart and committee deputy, Senator Patty Murray, said that the Bill “blocks implementation of OMB’s corrupt new grants rule for the duration of the [continuing resolution]. “The proposed rule would systematically politicize federal funding and allow Trump officials to cancel grants at any time for any reason. Enabling this rule would only give Trump the greenlight to take even more federal funding hostage.” Murray added that, while Republicans rejected “killing the proposed rule outright, I’m going to keep fighting to put a stop to it once and for all, and I will keep pressing my Republican colleagues to do exactly that”. Earlier, the Senate Democratic caucus warned that the proposal “exceeds OMB’s statutory authority, undermines Congress’s constitutional power of the purse, and would allow the President to weaponize federal grants for political purposes”. Reacting to the news, the Infectious Diseases Society of America (IDSA) and HIV Medicine Association (HIVMA) applauded Collins and Murray for the temporary block on the OMB’s ambitions. “This is an important step toward ensuring that objective merit, not political alignment, remains the primary criterion for grant awards. The OMB rule would undermine Congress’ authority by allowing the termination of federal grants by the political party in charge without cause and without any recourse for grantees,” the organisations noted. “IDSA and HIVMA call on the House of Representatives to pass the Senate continuing resolution as soon as possible to ensure uninterrupted support for research, public health programs and access to health care, especially in rural communities and among populations vulnerable to communicable diseases.” Pakistan’s HIV Surge Exposes Infection Control Failures at Health Facilities 10/08/2026 Rahul Basharat Rajput Undercover footage by the BBC filmed Taunsa health workers re-using needles and syringes multiple times while inoculating children. ISLAMABAD – Pakistan was once considered a low-prevalence country for HIV, but a series of outbreaks has infected hundreds of children and exposed fundamental weaknesses in its healthcare system. Southern Pakistan has been particularly affected, with HIV outbreaks linked to healthcare facilities documented at Taunsa in Punjab, Karachi’s Kulsim Bai Valika (KBV) Hospital, and previously in Larkana and other districts. Some 331 children are estimated to have been infected with HIV at Tehsil Headquarters (THQ) Hospital in Taunsa since last October, and investigators have blamed their infections on preventable lapses in infection prevention and control (IPC). Unlike outbreaks in many countries, where HIV transmission is primarily driven through sexual contact, repeated investigations in Pakistan have instead pointed to unsafe medical injections, poorly regulated blood transfusions and failures in sterilisation practices. Despite the alarm being raised about the rise in children’s infections earlier in the year, an undercover expose by the BBC in April showed that health workers continued to use the same needles and syringes on several children at the facility. Rise in new infections Officials from the Common Management Unit, the government department dealing with HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, reported to Parliament’s Standing Committee on Health last month that approximately 14,000 new HIV infections were detected during 2025, a figure far higher than previous annual reports. Although the country’s health ministry attributes much of the increase to expanded screening, which rose from around 37,000 people tested in 2020 to more than 374,000 in 2025, the rise has intensified concerns over persistent transmission in healthcare settings and among vulnerable populations. For many health experts, HIV has become a barometer of Pakistan’s broader health system, revealing broader weaknesses in regulation, governance, surveillance and primary healthcare that extend well beyond the virus itself. “Every outbreak should have been a lesson,” says Professor Hasan Abbas Zaheer, a World Health Organization (WHO) adviser on blood safety. “Similar failures continue to emerge in different provinces, indicating that the underlying problems have not been resolved.” Zaheer believes that Pakistan is facing a broader collapse of infection prevention and control. Unless hospitals, laboratories and blood banks consistently adhere to internationally accepted standards – and regulators enforce those standards – the country is likely to continue responding to outbreaks after they occur rather than preventing them, he argues. Taunsa and Karachi outbreaks The Taunsa outbreak illustrates the consequences of these failures. Between late 2024 and early 2025, more than 330 children were infected, with three-quarters of infections occurring in children younger than five years. Investigators found little evidence that their mothers were living with HIV, making mother-to-child transmission unlikely. Instead, the investigation pointed towards healthcare-associated transmission through unsafe injections, blood transfusions and inadequate infection control. Instead, the investigation documented multiple breaches of basic clinical practice. Standard infection prevention protocols were often absent or ignored, while intravenous infusion sets were reportedly reused, waste disposal systems were inadequate and appropriate paediatric auto-disable syringes were unavailable. Larger syringes that were designed for hospital procedures were sometimes used repeatedly in paediatric care, increasing the risk of cross-contamination. Meanwhile, a government investigation into an HIV outbreak involving 130 people – mostly children – at Karachi’s government-run Kulsum Bai Valika Hospital reported back last month. It blamed the increase in HIV cases documented from last October on failures in sterilisation procedures, improper handling of single-use syringes, inadequate supervision, poor biomedical waste management and weak compliance with infection prevention guidelines. Provincial authorities have since suspended dozens of healthcare workers and administrators while strengthening treatment services for affected children. Ban on substandard syringes The Pakistani government has banned substandard injections to curb HIV. Last month, following a high-level review of the HIV outbreaks ordered by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, officials recommended several reforms aimed at strengthening infection control, improving surveillance and tightening regulation of medical devices. These include a nationwide ban on the manufacture and use of substandard syringes. The Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) has also approved the phase-out of conventional disposable 1cc and 10cc syringes from January 2027, extending earlier regulations that already required auto-disable syringes for smaller volumes. The decision follows years of evidence linking syringe reuse to HIV outbreaks. Investigations into recent clusters consistently identified unsafe injections as one of the principal drivers of transmission. In many facilities, particularly where infection prevention standards are weak, single-use syringes and intravenous equipment have reportedly been reused or handled improperly, allowing blood-borne viruses to spread between patients. Systemic problems Experts caution, however, that focusing solely on syringes risks overlooking broader systemic issues. Unsafe injections are often a symptom rather than the root cause of the problem. Weak regulation of private clinics, inadequate inspection systems, inconsistent enforcement of infection control standards and shortages of trained healthcare workers all contribute to an environment in which unsafe practices can persist. Former federal health minister and WHO official Dr Zafar Mirza argues that the recurring outbreaks should be viewed as evidence of wider governance failures. The Taunsa outbreak, he said, exposed shortcomings not only in infection prevention but also in blood safety, healthcare regulation, disease surveillance and accountability. Although a government task force has proposed reforms across these areas, implementation has remained slow even as new clusters continue to emerge. Inadequate surveillance While unsafe medical practices have attracted the greatest public attention, Pakistan’s surveillance system represents another major vulnerability. The Ministry of Health estimates that more than 84,000 people are currently registered as living with HIV and receiving care through the national programme. However, officials acknowledge that the true burden is substantially higher – and the WHO and UNAIDS put the figure at over 350,000 people. Federal Health Minister Mustafa Kamal recently said that approximately 20,000 additional infections remain unreported, despite a dramatic expansion of HIV testing capacity over the past five years. Health authorities argue that the sharp increase in reported infections partly reflects improved case finding rather than an explosion of transmission. Screening capacity has expanded tenfold since 2020, enabling health workers to identify infections that previously remained undiagnosed. But weak surveillance continues to limit Pakistan’s ability to detect emerging hotspots before they become full-scale outbreaks. The Taunsa investigation also found that hospitals and clinics lacked reliable digital reporting systems, standard case notification procedures and mechanisms for sharing surveillance data between districts and provinces. These gaps delayed recognition of transmission patterns and slowed public health responses. Tracking patients after diagnosis also remains a major challenge. Parliamentary discussions highlighted the problem of “missing patients”: individuals who register at antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres but subsequently discontinue treatment or are lost to follow-up. Without effective counselling and monitoring, these interruptions increase the risk of poorer health outcomes and continued HIV transmission. Public health specialists argue that surveillance should extend beyond simply counting new diagnoses. It should also identify transmission networks, monitor healthcare-associated infections, evaluate infection prevention practices and rapidly detect clusters before they spread. Zaheer believes Pakistan could strengthen these efforts by integrating surveillance data across provinces and using digital technologies, including artificial intelligence, to identify emerging hotspots in real time. Stigma limits HIV response While Pakistan has expanded HIV testing and treatment services in recent years, prevention has not kept pace with the changing nature of the epidemic. The number of government-supported antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres has more than doubled from 44 in 2020 to 97 in 2025, with plans to increase the network to around 166 facilities. But access remains uneven, particularly outside major cities. For many Pakistanis, HIV testing is still not part of routine primary healthcare. Instead, people are often tested only after they develop symptoms, require surgery, donate blood or are identified during an outbreak investigation. Stigma remains one of the greatest barriers. Health officials told the Parliamentary health committee that fear of discrimination discourages many people from seeking testing or treatment, while misconceptions about HIV continue to fuel secrecy and delayed diagnosis. The Pakistan Medical Association (PMA) has also warned that thousands of infections remain undetected because people are reluctant to access healthcare services for fear of being ostracised by their families or communities. Pakistan’s HIV epidemic remains concentrated among people who inject drugs, men who have sex with men, transgender people and sex workers. These groups frequently encounter discrimination in healthcare settings and are often excluded from mainstream health programmes. Community organisations have long argued that HIV services remain overly dependent on donor-funded outreach projects rather than being integrated into routine primary healthcare. WHO Representative in Pakistan Dr Luo Dapeng, Pakistan’s Health Director General Dr Ayesha Majeed Isani, and UNAIDS Director in Pakistan, Trouble Chikoko, lead an HIV awareness walk Hidden sexual networks? Although the outbreak primarily affected children infected through unsafe healthcare practices, investigators also warned of “hidden sexual networks” operating largely outside existing surveillance and prevention programmes. Without confidential testing, community outreach and culturally appropriate prevention services, these networks could sustain HIV transmission while remaining largely invisible to health authorities. Women also face distinct barriers. Although Pakistan has made progress in preventing mother-to-child transmission, reproductive health services and HIV care are often delivered separately, limiting opportunities for routine screening and counselling during pregnancy. Many women are diagnosed only after a spouse or child tests positive, reflecting broader gaps in sexual and reproductive healthcare. The PMA has urged the government to make confidential, rapid HIV testing available free of charge across primary and secondary healthcare facilities, while investing in training for healthcare workers to reduce discrimination and improve counselling. It has also called for greater access to modern biomedical prevention strategies alongside expanded treatment services. Although antiretroviral medicines suppress the virus and dramatically reduce the risk of transmission, they depend on early diagnosis, uninterrupted drug supplies and sustained patient engagement. Without addressing stigma, expanding community-based prevention and ensuring equitable access to care, many people will continue to enter the health system only after they become seriously ill—or after an outbreak has already occurred. Could long-acting HIV prevention change the response? While Pakistan struggles to contain healthcare-associated outbreaks, the global HIV response is entering a new era defined by long-acting prevention technologies that could dramatically reduce new infections. Lenacapavir, a long-acting injectable medicine administered only twice a year, has demonstrated almost total prevention of HIV transmission in clinical trials. Researchers also reported progress on other long-acting technologies, including injectable combinations that provide both contraception and HIV prevention, three-month vaginal rings and real-world implementation of a monthly injectable cabotegravir in African countries. Global health experts increasingly view these medicines as potential game changers, particularly for people who struggle to take daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Receiving two injections a year could substantially improve adherence while reducing the risk of HIV transmission among people at elevated risk of infection. But Pakistan has yet to establish broad access to conventional HIV prevention services. Oral PrEP remains available only through limited pilot initiatives and donor-supported programmes. Long-acting injectable prevention is therefore unlikely to become widely accessible without significant investment, regulatory approval and financial support from international partners. Experts nevertheless argue that Pakistan should begin preparing now rather than waiting for the medicines to become widely available globally. Planning for procurement, regulatory approval, healthcare worker training and financing could enable the country to introduce new prevention technologies more rapidly once prices fall and generic versions become available. Mirza believes Pakistan’s response must move beyond emergency outbreak management towards a comprehensive public health strategy that integrates infection prevention, disease surveillance, blood safety, governance and community engagement. Zaheer also sees an opportunity to modernise Pakistan’s surveillance systems through digital technologies. Better integration of laboratory data, hospital reporting and provincial surveillance could help identify emerging clusters before they expand into large outbreaks. Artificial intelligence, he argues, could assist health authorities in recognising transmission patterns, predicting hotspots and directing scarce resources towards areas of greatest need. Yet specialists caution that new policies and regulations alone will not prevent future outbreaks if enforcement remains weak. Previous bans on conventional syringes were inconsistently implemented, allowing unsafe products to remain widely available. Likewise, investigations following successive HIV outbreaks have repeatedly identified similar failures in infection prevention despite earlier recommendations. Image Credits: BBC, Wuestenigel/Flickr, Hamid Inam/ WHO Pakistan. Alarming Ebola Spread Raises Question of Viral Mutation 07/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan DRC President Felix Tshisekedi (left) meeting WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (right) and other health officials this week. Over 4,000 Ebola Bundibugyo cases and 1,800 deaths have been recorded so far in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – numbers so alarming that health experts intend to research whether the virus is mutating to become more infectious. This was revealed by Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, at a media briefing on Thursday. In the past 12 weeks, the current outbreak has grown at eight times the pace of the world’s biggest Ebola outbreak, which took place in West Africa between 2018 and 2020. Every day in the past week, 75 new cases and 35 deaths have been recorded. Kaseya said that he and World Health Organization (WHO) Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus had agreed on Wednesday “to conduct a study to check if there is no additional issue, or maybe if the virus is not mutating, because the level of severity of this Bundibugyo outbreak is unprecedented”. Tedros, Kaseya and Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO’s Africa regional director, led a joint high-level mission to the DRC and Uganda earlier in the week, including a meeting with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. Following the two-day mission, the two organisations called for “an urgent scale-up of the community-led Ebola response in the DRC, with stronger early detection, contact follow-up, access to care, support for frontline health workers and faster delivery of resources to affected communities”. Tedros also said: “Building trust and respecting local traditions, including around safe and dignified burials, are essential to reaching affected communities and stopping transmission.” Community engagement Kaseya said one of the main purposes of the delegation’s visit to Bunia, one of the Ebola hotspots in the DRC, was to listen to communities. “We didn’t go there to blame them. We didn’t go there to tell them what they have to do. We went there to listen. I had a room of more than 100 people coming from organisations, associations, coming from those who were infected with Ebola, and young people, women. All of them were sharing a critical message: We are not involved, and we want to be involved.” Kaseya said that internet connectivity via Starlink will be extended to all villages in Ituri to enable timely data and information about the outbreak. After Bunia, the delegation met with Tshisekedi and other top government officials in the DRC capital of Kinshasa and resolved to take the outbreak response to the village level in Ituri’s 6,542 villages to reach people more effectively. The outbreak has not yet reached Kinshasa, but on Thursday the DRC government stopped a boat with 200 passengers from reaching the capital after a patient with suspected Ebola symptoms had disembarked and died. The boat had been travelling from Kisangi in the north-east to Kinshasa but had been stopped about 65km from the capital and all passengers were tested. Kinshasa has a population of around 17 million. Striking health workers Health workers protesting outside the Ituri governor’s residence over unpaid wages this week. Tedros added that, in their meeting with Tshisekedi, they discussed “the need to continue to protect and support frontline health and community workers, including by ensuring they have adequate personal protective equipment, and are compensated for their work”. Around 140 health workers have been infected with Ebola in the current outbreak. There have been several protests and strikes by health and other workers involved in the outbreak response over unpaid wages. Health workers in Ituri protested outside the governor’s office on Thursday, saying that they have not been paid salaries or allowances since May. In mid-July, health workers at Bunia General Hospital in northeastern Ituri went on strike, saying that they had not been paid since the outbreak started despite working under difficult conditions. Healthcare workers and grave diggers at the Rwampara General Hospital, also in Ituri, went on strike over unpaid wages in early July. However, Kaseya told the media briefing that it was the responsibility of the DRC government, not their outbreak partners, to pay their health workers. “We will not hear again about the strikes of health workers. The government yesterday told me that they have money to pay health workers,” he insisted. But he added that some funding is available from the “humanitarian budget” for free healthcare services to all people in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, which are worst affected by Ebola. Since the start of the outbreak, the DRC government has offered free health services to those living in these provinces to encourage people to go to health facilities. More deaths in communities than facilities One of the most disconcerting aspects of the DRC outbreak is that most deaths are being recorded in communities, not health facilities. Last week, 67% of Ebola deaths were in communities, usually identified via tests administered after death. “The contact lists don’t mean anything because it is not accurate,” said Kaseya, once again highlighting weaknesses around tracing people who have been in close contact with confirmed cases. On average, around 10 contacts per patient in the DRC have been recorded in comparison to 40+ in Uganda, which contained its Bundibugyo outbreak at 20 cases. Kaseya also revealed that the bed occupancy rate in Ituri province, one of the hotspots, ranged between 56-69% – way lower than in Nord Kivu, where Ebola treatment centres were 128-157% full. Several treatment centres in Ituri have been attacked and burnt in the past. Uganda’s case fatality was 10% in comparison to the DRC’s 44%, and Kaseya suggested this could be because every patient was given the antiviral medicine, Remdesivir. A trial to test Remdesivir’s efficacy against Bundibugyo is currently underway in the DRC, along with another antiviral known as MPP134. However, only 68 people have been recruited so far. US pledges more funds Meanwhile, the US State Department announced on Wednesday that it intends to provide an additional $242 million in funding for “immediate Ebola response and preparedness efforts in the region and humanitarian assistance related to the outbreak”. “The Department of State’s assistance announcements to combat the outbreak have now exceeded $512 million in direct assistance, enabling implementing organizations to expand the ongoing response in Africa,” said the State Department, adding that it had already made $350 million available for “critical humanitarian assistance in the DRC, South Sudan, and Uganda”. Kaseya said that, taking into account the latest US contribution, $472 million had been released and almost $700 million was expected. Image Credits: Aljazeera. EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
Pakistan’s HIV Surge Exposes Infection Control Failures at Health Facilities 10/08/2026 Rahul Basharat Rajput Undercover footage by the BBC filmed Taunsa health workers re-using needles and syringes multiple times while inoculating children. ISLAMABAD – Pakistan was once considered a low-prevalence country for HIV, but a series of outbreaks has infected hundreds of children and exposed fundamental weaknesses in its healthcare system. Southern Pakistan has been particularly affected, with HIV outbreaks linked to healthcare facilities documented at Taunsa in Punjab, Karachi’s Kulsim Bai Valika (KBV) Hospital, and previously in Larkana and other districts. Some 331 children are estimated to have been infected with HIV at Tehsil Headquarters (THQ) Hospital in Taunsa since last October, and investigators have blamed their infections on preventable lapses in infection prevention and control (IPC). Unlike outbreaks in many countries, where HIV transmission is primarily driven through sexual contact, repeated investigations in Pakistan have instead pointed to unsafe medical injections, poorly regulated blood transfusions and failures in sterilisation practices. Despite the alarm being raised about the rise in children’s infections earlier in the year, an undercover expose by the BBC in April showed that health workers continued to use the same needles and syringes on several children at the facility. Rise in new infections Officials from the Common Management Unit, the government department dealing with HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, reported to Parliament’s Standing Committee on Health last month that approximately 14,000 new HIV infections were detected during 2025, a figure far higher than previous annual reports. Although the country’s health ministry attributes much of the increase to expanded screening, which rose from around 37,000 people tested in 2020 to more than 374,000 in 2025, the rise has intensified concerns over persistent transmission in healthcare settings and among vulnerable populations. For many health experts, HIV has become a barometer of Pakistan’s broader health system, revealing broader weaknesses in regulation, governance, surveillance and primary healthcare that extend well beyond the virus itself. “Every outbreak should have been a lesson,” says Professor Hasan Abbas Zaheer, a World Health Organization (WHO) adviser on blood safety. “Similar failures continue to emerge in different provinces, indicating that the underlying problems have not been resolved.” Zaheer believes that Pakistan is facing a broader collapse of infection prevention and control. Unless hospitals, laboratories and blood banks consistently adhere to internationally accepted standards – and regulators enforce those standards – the country is likely to continue responding to outbreaks after they occur rather than preventing them, he argues. Taunsa and Karachi outbreaks The Taunsa outbreak illustrates the consequences of these failures. Between late 2024 and early 2025, more than 330 children were infected, with three-quarters of infections occurring in children younger than five years. Investigators found little evidence that their mothers were living with HIV, making mother-to-child transmission unlikely. Instead, the investigation pointed towards healthcare-associated transmission through unsafe injections, blood transfusions and inadequate infection control. Instead, the investigation documented multiple breaches of basic clinical practice. Standard infection prevention protocols were often absent or ignored, while intravenous infusion sets were reportedly reused, waste disposal systems were inadequate and appropriate paediatric auto-disable syringes were unavailable. Larger syringes that were designed for hospital procedures were sometimes used repeatedly in paediatric care, increasing the risk of cross-contamination. Meanwhile, a government investigation into an HIV outbreak involving 130 people – mostly children – at Karachi’s government-run Kulsum Bai Valika Hospital reported back last month. It blamed the increase in HIV cases documented from last October on failures in sterilisation procedures, improper handling of single-use syringes, inadequate supervision, poor biomedical waste management and weak compliance with infection prevention guidelines. Provincial authorities have since suspended dozens of healthcare workers and administrators while strengthening treatment services for affected children. Ban on substandard syringes The Pakistani government has banned substandard injections to curb HIV. Last month, following a high-level review of the HIV outbreaks ordered by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, officials recommended several reforms aimed at strengthening infection control, improving surveillance and tightening regulation of medical devices. These include a nationwide ban on the manufacture and use of substandard syringes. The Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) has also approved the phase-out of conventional disposable 1cc and 10cc syringes from January 2027, extending earlier regulations that already required auto-disable syringes for smaller volumes. The decision follows years of evidence linking syringe reuse to HIV outbreaks. Investigations into recent clusters consistently identified unsafe injections as one of the principal drivers of transmission. In many facilities, particularly where infection prevention standards are weak, single-use syringes and intravenous equipment have reportedly been reused or handled improperly, allowing blood-borne viruses to spread between patients. Systemic problems Experts caution, however, that focusing solely on syringes risks overlooking broader systemic issues. Unsafe injections are often a symptom rather than the root cause of the problem. Weak regulation of private clinics, inadequate inspection systems, inconsistent enforcement of infection control standards and shortages of trained healthcare workers all contribute to an environment in which unsafe practices can persist. Former federal health minister and WHO official Dr Zafar Mirza argues that the recurring outbreaks should be viewed as evidence of wider governance failures. The Taunsa outbreak, he said, exposed shortcomings not only in infection prevention but also in blood safety, healthcare regulation, disease surveillance and accountability. Although a government task force has proposed reforms across these areas, implementation has remained slow even as new clusters continue to emerge. Inadequate surveillance While unsafe medical practices have attracted the greatest public attention, Pakistan’s surveillance system represents another major vulnerability. The Ministry of Health estimates that more than 84,000 people are currently registered as living with HIV and receiving care through the national programme. However, officials acknowledge that the true burden is substantially higher – and the WHO and UNAIDS put the figure at over 350,000 people. Federal Health Minister Mustafa Kamal recently said that approximately 20,000 additional infections remain unreported, despite a dramatic expansion of HIV testing capacity over the past five years. Health authorities argue that the sharp increase in reported infections partly reflects improved case finding rather than an explosion of transmission. Screening capacity has expanded tenfold since 2020, enabling health workers to identify infections that previously remained undiagnosed. But weak surveillance continues to limit Pakistan’s ability to detect emerging hotspots before they become full-scale outbreaks. The Taunsa investigation also found that hospitals and clinics lacked reliable digital reporting systems, standard case notification procedures and mechanisms for sharing surveillance data between districts and provinces. These gaps delayed recognition of transmission patterns and slowed public health responses. Tracking patients after diagnosis also remains a major challenge. Parliamentary discussions highlighted the problem of “missing patients”: individuals who register at antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres but subsequently discontinue treatment or are lost to follow-up. Without effective counselling and monitoring, these interruptions increase the risk of poorer health outcomes and continued HIV transmission. Public health specialists argue that surveillance should extend beyond simply counting new diagnoses. It should also identify transmission networks, monitor healthcare-associated infections, evaluate infection prevention practices and rapidly detect clusters before they spread. Zaheer believes Pakistan could strengthen these efforts by integrating surveillance data across provinces and using digital technologies, including artificial intelligence, to identify emerging hotspots in real time. Stigma limits HIV response While Pakistan has expanded HIV testing and treatment services in recent years, prevention has not kept pace with the changing nature of the epidemic. The number of government-supported antiretroviral therapy (ART) centres has more than doubled from 44 in 2020 to 97 in 2025, with plans to increase the network to around 166 facilities. But access remains uneven, particularly outside major cities. For many Pakistanis, HIV testing is still not part of routine primary healthcare. Instead, people are often tested only after they develop symptoms, require surgery, donate blood or are identified during an outbreak investigation. Stigma remains one of the greatest barriers. Health officials told the Parliamentary health committee that fear of discrimination discourages many people from seeking testing or treatment, while misconceptions about HIV continue to fuel secrecy and delayed diagnosis. The Pakistan Medical Association (PMA) has also warned that thousands of infections remain undetected because people are reluctant to access healthcare services for fear of being ostracised by their families or communities. Pakistan’s HIV epidemic remains concentrated among people who inject drugs, men who have sex with men, transgender people and sex workers. These groups frequently encounter discrimination in healthcare settings and are often excluded from mainstream health programmes. Community organisations have long argued that HIV services remain overly dependent on donor-funded outreach projects rather than being integrated into routine primary healthcare. WHO Representative in Pakistan Dr Luo Dapeng, Pakistan’s Health Director General Dr Ayesha Majeed Isani, and UNAIDS Director in Pakistan, Trouble Chikoko, lead an HIV awareness walk Hidden sexual networks? Although the outbreak primarily affected children infected through unsafe healthcare practices, investigators also warned of “hidden sexual networks” operating largely outside existing surveillance and prevention programmes. Without confidential testing, community outreach and culturally appropriate prevention services, these networks could sustain HIV transmission while remaining largely invisible to health authorities. Women also face distinct barriers. Although Pakistan has made progress in preventing mother-to-child transmission, reproductive health services and HIV care are often delivered separately, limiting opportunities for routine screening and counselling during pregnancy. Many women are diagnosed only after a spouse or child tests positive, reflecting broader gaps in sexual and reproductive healthcare. The PMA has urged the government to make confidential, rapid HIV testing available free of charge across primary and secondary healthcare facilities, while investing in training for healthcare workers to reduce discrimination and improve counselling. It has also called for greater access to modern biomedical prevention strategies alongside expanded treatment services. Although antiretroviral medicines suppress the virus and dramatically reduce the risk of transmission, they depend on early diagnosis, uninterrupted drug supplies and sustained patient engagement. Without addressing stigma, expanding community-based prevention and ensuring equitable access to care, many people will continue to enter the health system only after they become seriously ill—or after an outbreak has already occurred. Could long-acting HIV prevention change the response? While Pakistan struggles to contain healthcare-associated outbreaks, the global HIV response is entering a new era defined by long-acting prevention technologies that could dramatically reduce new infections. Lenacapavir, a long-acting injectable medicine administered only twice a year, has demonstrated almost total prevention of HIV transmission in clinical trials. Researchers also reported progress on other long-acting technologies, including injectable combinations that provide both contraception and HIV prevention, three-month vaginal rings and real-world implementation of a monthly injectable cabotegravir in African countries. Global health experts increasingly view these medicines as potential game changers, particularly for people who struggle to take daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Receiving two injections a year could substantially improve adherence while reducing the risk of HIV transmission among people at elevated risk of infection. But Pakistan has yet to establish broad access to conventional HIV prevention services. Oral PrEP remains available only through limited pilot initiatives and donor-supported programmes. Long-acting injectable prevention is therefore unlikely to become widely accessible without significant investment, regulatory approval and financial support from international partners. Experts nevertheless argue that Pakistan should begin preparing now rather than waiting for the medicines to become widely available globally. Planning for procurement, regulatory approval, healthcare worker training and financing could enable the country to introduce new prevention technologies more rapidly once prices fall and generic versions become available. Mirza believes Pakistan’s response must move beyond emergency outbreak management towards a comprehensive public health strategy that integrates infection prevention, disease surveillance, blood safety, governance and community engagement. Zaheer also sees an opportunity to modernise Pakistan’s surveillance systems through digital technologies. Better integration of laboratory data, hospital reporting and provincial surveillance could help identify emerging clusters before they expand into large outbreaks. Artificial intelligence, he argues, could assist health authorities in recognising transmission patterns, predicting hotspots and directing scarce resources towards areas of greatest need. Yet specialists caution that new policies and regulations alone will not prevent future outbreaks if enforcement remains weak. Previous bans on conventional syringes were inconsistently implemented, allowing unsafe products to remain widely available. Likewise, investigations following successive HIV outbreaks have repeatedly identified similar failures in infection prevention despite earlier recommendations. Image Credits: BBC, Wuestenigel/Flickr, Hamid Inam/ WHO Pakistan. Alarming Ebola Spread Raises Question of Viral Mutation 07/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan DRC President Felix Tshisekedi (left) meeting WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (right) and other health officials this week. Over 4,000 Ebola Bundibugyo cases and 1,800 deaths have been recorded so far in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – numbers so alarming that health experts intend to research whether the virus is mutating to become more infectious. This was revealed by Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, at a media briefing on Thursday. In the past 12 weeks, the current outbreak has grown at eight times the pace of the world’s biggest Ebola outbreak, which took place in West Africa between 2018 and 2020. Every day in the past week, 75 new cases and 35 deaths have been recorded. Kaseya said that he and World Health Organization (WHO) Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus had agreed on Wednesday “to conduct a study to check if there is no additional issue, or maybe if the virus is not mutating, because the level of severity of this Bundibugyo outbreak is unprecedented”. Tedros, Kaseya and Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO’s Africa regional director, led a joint high-level mission to the DRC and Uganda earlier in the week, including a meeting with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. Following the two-day mission, the two organisations called for “an urgent scale-up of the community-led Ebola response in the DRC, with stronger early detection, contact follow-up, access to care, support for frontline health workers and faster delivery of resources to affected communities”. Tedros also said: “Building trust and respecting local traditions, including around safe and dignified burials, are essential to reaching affected communities and stopping transmission.” Community engagement Kaseya said one of the main purposes of the delegation’s visit to Bunia, one of the Ebola hotspots in the DRC, was to listen to communities. “We didn’t go there to blame them. We didn’t go there to tell them what they have to do. We went there to listen. I had a room of more than 100 people coming from organisations, associations, coming from those who were infected with Ebola, and young people, women. All of them were sharing a critical message: We are not involved, and we want to be involved.” Kaseya said that internet connectivity via Starlink will be extended to all villages in Ituri to enable timely data and information about the outbreak. After Bunia, the delegation met with Tshisekedi and other top government officials in the DRC capital of Kinshasa and resolved to take the outbreak response to the village level in Ituri’s 6,542 villages to reach people more effectively. The outbreak has not yet reached Kinshasa, but on Thursday the DRC government stopped a boat with 200 passengers from reaching the capital after a patient with suspected Ebola symptoms had disembarked and died. The boat had been travelling from Kisangi in the north-east to Kinshasa but had been stopped about 65km from the capital and all passengers were tested. Kinshasa has a population of around 17 million. Striking health workers Health workers protesting outside the Ituri governor’s residence over unpaid wages this week. Tedros added that, in their meeting with Tshisekedi, they discussed “the need to continue to protect and support frontline health and community workers, including by ensuring they have adequate personal protective equipment, and are compensated for their work”. Around 140 health workers have been infected with Ebola in the current outbreak. There have been several protests and strikes by health and other workers involved in the outbreak response over unpaid wages. Health workers in Ituri protested outside the governor’s office on Thursday, saying that they have not been paid salaries or allowances since May. In mid-July, health workers at Bunia General Hospital in northeastern Ituri went on strike, saying that they had not been paid since the outbreak started despite working under difficult conditions. Healthcare workers and grave diggers at the Rwampara General Hospital, also in Ituri, went on strike over unpaid wages in early July. However, Kaseya told the media briefing that it was the responsibility of the DRC government, not their outbreak partners, to pay their health workers. “We will not hear again about the strikes of health workers. The government yesterday told me that they have money to pay health workers,” he insisted. But he added that some funding is available from the “humanitarian budget” for free healthcare services to all people in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, which are worst affected by Ebola. Since the start of the outbreak, the DRC government has offered free health services to those living in these provinces to encourage people to go to health facilities. More deaths in communities than facilities One of the most disconcerting aspects of the DRC outbreak is that most deaths are being recorded in communities, not health facilities. Last week, 67% of Ebola deaths were in communities, usually identified via tests administered after death. “The contact lists don’t mean anything because it is not accurate,” said Kaseya, once again highlighting weaknesses around tracing people who have been in close contact with confirmed cases. On average, around 10 contacts per patient in the DRC have been recorded in comparison to 40+ in Uganda, which contained its Bundibugyo outbreak at 20 cases. Kaseya also revealed that the bed occupancy rate in Ituri province, one of the hotspots, ranged between 56-69% – way lower than in Nord Kivu, where Ebola treatment centres were 128-157% full. Several treatment centres in Ituri have been attacked and burnt in the past. Uganda’s case fatality was 10% in comparison to the DRC’s 44%, and Kaseya suggested this could be because every patient was given the antiviral medicine, Remdesivir. A trial to test Remdesivir’s efficacy against Bundibugyo is currently underway in the DRC, along with another antiviral known as MPP134. However, only 68 people have been recruited so far. US pledges more funds Meanwhile, the US State Department announced on Wednesday that it intends to provide an additional $242 million in funding for “immediate Ebola response and preparedness efforts in the region and humanitarian assistance related to the outbreak”. “The Department of State’s assistance announcements to combat the outbreak have now exceeded $512 million in direct assistance, enabling implementing organizations to expand the ongoing response in Africa,” said the State Department, adding that it had already made $350 million available for “critical humanitarian assistance in the DRC, South Sudan, and Uganda”. Kaseya said that, taking into account the latest US contribution, $472 million had been released and almost $700 million was expected. Image Credits: Aljazeera. EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
Alarming Ebola Spread Raises Question of Viral Mutation 07/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan DRC President Felix Tshisekedi (left) meeting WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (right) and other health officials this week. Over 4,000 Ebola Bundibugyo cases and 1,800 deaths have been recorded so far in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – numbers so alarming that health experts intend to research whether the virus is mutating to become more infectious. This was revealed by Dr Jean Kaseya, the Director General of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, at a media briefing on Thursday. In the past 12 weeks, the current outbreak has grown at eight times the pace of the world’s biggest Ebola outbreak, which took place in West Africa between 2018 and 2020. Every day in the past week, 75 new cases and 35 deaths have been recorded. Kaseya said that he and World Health Organization (WHO) Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus had agreed on Wednesday “to conduct a study to check if there is no additional issue, or maybe if the virus is not mutating, because the level of severity of this Bundibugyo outbreak is unprecedented”. Tedros, Kaseya and Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO’s Africa regional director, led a joint high-level mission to the DRC and Uganda earlier in the week, including a meeting with DRC President Felix Tshisekedi. Following the two-day mission, the two organisations called for “an urgent scale-up of the community-led Ebola response in the DRC, with stronger early detection, contact follow-up, access to care, support for frontline health workers and faster delivery of resources to affected communities”. Tedros also said: “Building trust and respecting local traditions, including around safe and dignified burials, are essential to reaching affected communities and stopping transmission.” Community engagement Kaseya said one of the main purposes of the delegation’s visit to Bunia, one of the Ebola hotspots in the DRC, was to listen to communities. “We didn’t go there to blame them. We didn’t go there to tell them what they have to do. We went there to listen. I had a room of more than 100 people coming from organisations, associations, coming from those who were infected with Ebola, and young people, women. All of them were sharing a critical message: We are not involved, and we want to be involved.” Kaseya said that internet connectivity via Starlink will be extended to all villages in Ituri to enable timely data and information about the outbreak. After Bunia, the delegation met with Tshisekedi and other top government officials in the DRC capital of Kinshasa and resolved to take the outbreak response to the village level in Ituri’s 6,542 villages to reach people more effectively. The outbreak has not yet reached Kinshasa, but on Thursday the DRC government stopped a boat with 200 passengers from reaching the capital after a patient with suspected Ebola symptoms had disembarked and died. The boat had been travelling from Kisangi in the north-east to Kinshasa but had been stopped about 65km from the capital and all passengers were tested. Kinshasa has a population of around 17 million. Striking health workers Health workers protesting outside the Ituri governor’s residence over unpaid wages this week. Tedros added that, in their meeting with Tshisekedi, they discussed “the need to continue to protect and support frontline health and community workers, including by ensuring they have adequate personal protective equipment, and are compensated for their work”. Around 140 health workers have been infected with Ebola in the current outbreak. There have been several protests and strikes by health and other workers involved in the outbreak response over unpaid wages. Health workers in Ituri protested outside the governor’s office on Thursday, saying that they have not been paid salaries or allowances since May. In mid-July, health workers at Bunia General Hospital in northeastern Ituri went on strike, saying that they had not been paid since the outbreak started despite working under difficult conditions. Healthcare workers and grave diggers at the Rwampara General Hospital, also in Ituri, went on strike over unpaid wages in early July. However, Kaseya told the media briefing that it was the responsibility of the DRC government, not their outbreak partners, to pay their health workers. “We will not hear again about the strikes of health workers. The government yesterday told me that they have money to pay health workers,” he insisted. But he added that some funding is available from the “humanitarian budget” for free healthcare services to all people in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, which are worst affected by Ebola. Since the start of the outbreak, the DRC government has offered free health services to those living in these provinces to encourage people to go to health facilities. More deaths in communities than facilities One of the most disconcerting aspects of the DRC outbreak is that most deaths are being recorded in communities, not health facilities. Last week, 67% of Ebola deaths were in communities, usually identified via tests administered after death. “The contact lists don’t mean anything because it is not accurate,” said Kaseya, once again highlighting weaknesses around tracing people who have been in close contact with confirmed cases. On average, around 10 contacts per patient in the DRC have been recorded in comparison to 40+ in Uganda, which contained its Bundibugyo outbreak at 20 cases. Kaseya also revealed that the bed occupancy rate in Ituri province, one of the hotspots, ranged between 56-69% – way lower than in Nord Kivu, where Ebola treatment centres were 128-157% full. Several treatment centres in Ituri have been attacked and burnt in the past. Uganda’s case fatality was 10% in comparison to the DRC’s 44%, and Kaseya suggested this could be because every patient was given the antiviral medicine, Remdesivir. A trial to test Remdesivir’s efficacy against Bundibugyo is currently underway in the DRC, along with another antiviral known as MPP134. However, only 68 people have been recruited so far. US pledges more funds Meanwhile, the US State Department announced on Wednesday that it intends to provide an additional $242 million in funding for “immediate Ebola response and preparedness efforts in the region and humanitarian assistance related to the outbreak”. “The Department of State’s assistance announcements to combat the outbreak have now exceeded $512 million in direct assistance, enabling implementing organizations to expand the ongoing response in Africa,” said the State Department, adding that it had already made $350 million available for “critical humanitarian assistance in the DRC, South Sudan, and Uganda”. Kaseya said that, taking into account the latest US contribution, $472 million had been released and almost $700 million was expected. Image Credits: Aljazeera. EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
EXCLUSIVE: Here is the ‘Final Text’ of UN Political Declaration on Pandemics – Although its Adoption is Far From Guaranteed 06/08/2026 Kerry Cullinan The current Ebola outbreak is the fastest the world has ever seen, yet the draft Political Declaration on Pandemics lacks a practical plan to protect the world from future pandemics. United Nations member states are almost certain to break the silence on the final draft of the Political Declaration on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) that was sent to them recently– but likely for all the wrong reasons. Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July. The silence procedure means that member states have a certain period during which to object – or break the silence – otherwise the text is regarded as agreed on. Health Policy Watch can exclusively share the UN HLM on PPPR Political Declaration Final Text for Silence Procedure. However, it is unlikely to be adopted unchanged. The text identifies all key problems haunting the world’s pandemic preparedness, but its key weakness is its failure to provide concrete steps to address these. Ideological red flags Yet, as recent UN negotiations have shown, the red flags for member states are unlikely to be the lack of a sound implementation plan but rather ideological objections. For example, the text identifies climate change as one of the issues straining developing countries’ pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. But at the recent HLM on Road Safety last month, the United States was the lone vote against that political declaration – in part because it mentioned climate change. The PPPR declaration also recognises that women and girls are among the groups disproportionately affected by pandemics, and calls for “gender equality” to be mainstreamed “into all policies and programmes”. It also calls for “universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services” by 2030, and the reaffirmation of “commitments to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and the Beijing Platform for Action”. The ICPD, adopted by 179 member states in 1994, calls for the “universal access to a full range of reproductive health services, including family planning”. Meanwhile, the Beijing Platform, adopted a year later by 189 member states, establishes that all people have “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” and that their right to make reproduction decisions should be “free of discrimination, coercion and violence”. However, SRHR has become highly contested in the UN, with several countries claiming that, by linking sexual and reproductive health to rights, the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO) are trying to promote universal access to abortion. In recent years, conservative countries – several countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Trump administration’s US, Russia and Pakistan – have objected to the term “sexual and reproductive health and rights” during UN and WHO sessions. The positive aspects of the text “The final draft contains positive language on foundational elements that – fully acted upon – would lead to a stronger pandemic readiness system,” according to a group called The Friends of the HLM on PPPR. The co-convenors of this group are The Elders, FOUR PAWS, The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and Resilience Action Network International (rani). The positive aspects identified by The Friends include that it welcomes the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement and amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005) and calls for the timely conclusion of the pathogen access and benefit-sharing (PABS) negotiations. It also promotes geographically diversified research, development and manufacturing of health tools, and calls for “the need for financing preparedness”. The group also approves of “recognising a One Health approach to prevent spillover of pathogens from animals to humans” and “the importance of data, tools and assessments that facilitate action-oriented plans, and science and evidence-based monitoring”. And the real problems… Helen Clark, co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. But Helen Clark, on behalf of The Friends’ co-convenors, notes: “At a time when the Ebola Bundibugyo emergency is now the second largest Ebola outbreak in history, we need measurable commitments which put effective multi-sectoral plans into action, serious money on the table, and ensure real accountability. “The ultimate test of this declaration is simple: will its implementation make the world measurably safer? Member States have an opportunity now to ensure that it does,” adds Clark, who is co-chair of The Independent Panel and a member of The Elders. The Friends identify four key gaps in the draft and urge “an infusion of urgency and ambition”. The first weakness is the lack of “concrete commitments or timelines” to fill the financing gap, including the $15 billion needed annually to prepare for pandemics. “The complexity and slowness of disbursing funds for the current Ebola emergency and the question marks around funding for successful tests, treatments, and vaccines underscores the dire need for reliable and rapidly disbursed surge financing,” The Friends note, recommending “a financing tracker to ensure transparency and identify areas where gaps persist”. Weakness Two lies in the failure to “strengthen the capacities of veterinary, animal, and environmental health services” given that more than 70% of emerging infectious diseases in humans are zoonotic,– including the recent mpox, Andes hantavirus and Ebola Bundibugyo outbreaks. The third weakness is its failure to recognise current gaps in monitoring, “including monitoring of equitable access to medical countermeasures, operational readiness, financing, and the social dimensions of resilience”. Finally, The Friends highlight that the Secretary General gets almost five years to report back on the implementation of the political declaration. “This is too late to follow up on commitments from this meeting, and will take momentum from an already neglected agenda,” they note, proposing a report within three years instead. The HLM is set for 25 September, the last Friday of the UN General Assembly. The date has been criticised by the Independent Panel and others, as many delegations leave New York on that day and may not attend. Many hope that high-level political engagement at the HLM will give fresh impetus to the PABS talks, the final piece of the Pandemic Agreement, which have made little progress for months. Inequality fuels pandemics Meanwhile, a recent study published in the New England Journal of Medicine warns that the “dominant model of pandemic preparedness has focused on technical capacities: stronger laboratories and surveillance, more effective vaccines and medicines, faster emergency response”. Yet, argue the authors, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, some of the most “prepared” countries have mounted the most ineffectual responses in real time. “Among the officials and experts charged with stopping pandemics, the current understanding of what drives pandemic risk for the world is proving to be insufficient. The missing element, we believe, is inequality,” say Stiglitz and co-authors Matthew Kavanagh, Monica Geingos, Winnie Byanyima and Michael Marmot, for the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS, and Pandemics. “The co-occurrence of increasing pandemic frequency and increasing inequality is not coincidental – it reflects a self-reinforcing cycle: inequality makes outbreaks more likely to become pandemics, then drives their severity and duration, while pandemics deepen inequality, making future outbreaks harder to control and fueling the next cycle,” they argue. They argue for an “inequality-informed response” to prepare for pandemics, proposing four approaches. The first involves addressing the social determinants that drive outbreaks to become pandemics, for example, ensuring social protection including expanded unemployment insurance and paid sick leave “so people can follow public health guidance without impossible trade-offs”. The second activity involves “strengthening visibility, governance, and trust” by establishing multisectoral governance bodies that include government officials, community organisations, and scientific leadership. The third involves reforming the international financial architecture to enable “sovereign debt-suspension mechanism for distressed nations during pandemic emergencies”, International Monetary Fund special drawing rights during pandemics and expanded pandemic lending facilities. The fourth measure involves equitable access to pandemic science and technologies, including “open licensing for publicly funded biomedical research with pandemic relevance” and expanded regional manufacturing capacity for “cutting-edge medicines and vaccines for today’s major diseases”. Image Credits: X/Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
The Machine in Geneva’s Basement 06/08/2026 K. Rifat Hossain Will member states still value the work of the WHO when they have embraced AI? A finance ministry official can now draft in an afternoon what used to take a WHO mission, a consultant and a wait of weeks. That single fact, multiplied across almost everything WHO produces, is the real story behind this year’s budget cuts — and almost nobody in Geneva is telling it yet. Picture a health ministry official in a mid-income country. Two years ago, adapting a WHO clinical guideline into a national protocol meant WHO staff time, a consultant, or waiting for the next country mission. Today she opens a general-purpose AI assistant, points it at WHO’s own – largely open-access – guidance library, and has a serviceable first draft before lunch. Nobody announced this. No governing body voted on it. It simply became true, quietly, over the past two years, and it is already reshaping what happens when member states next debate how much to pay Geneva. That is the story beneath WHO’s budget cuts, and WHO has not yet told it in public. New rulebook – and the harder question underneath it Last month, at the AI for Good Global Summit in Geneva, WHO joined the International Telecommunication Union and the World Intellectual Property Organization to launch a joint framework on AI in health innovation timed almost exactly to a moment when generative-AI patents published over the previous two years overtook the total from the entire preceding decade. It extends a six-year pattern of WHO writing, with real skill, the rules by which the world should govern AI. What none of that writing addresses is what AI does to the value of what WHO itself is paid to produce. Bolting an AI layer onto business as usual – a copilot here, a chatbot there – will not answer that. What is arriving is a change in what WHO’s outputs are worth, who can produce them, and what member states believe they are buying when they pay their dues. The window for choosing WHO’s place in that shift is the term of the next Director-General, not some comfortable decade beyond. Two shocks, one organisation Two shocks are landing on WHO at once, and so far only one has been reckoned with in public. The first is financial. In February 2025, the Executive Board cut the proposed base budget for 2026–27 from $ 5.3 billion to $ 4.9 billion. By May, the Assembly had approved US$ 4.267 billion – a 9% cut on 2024–25, 22% below the original ambition. In the same vote, member states approved a second consecutive 20% rise in assessed contributions – the fixed dues every government owes – continuing a path toward those dues covering half of WHO’s base budget by 2030–31. Why governments would vote to send Geneva more fixed money in the very years an AI assistant is learning to produce what those dues used to buy is a question this piece returns to. The response has been a formal prioritization and realignment exercise, still running. WHO’s global workforce stood at 9,473 in July 2024 and 9,457 in December 2024, a 15-year peak by WHO’s own account. A WHO report obtained by Health Policy Watch projected roughly 2,371 separations against that base, implying a mid-2026 total near 7,086, this author’s arithmetic, not a published figure. The latest actual snapshot (31 December 2025) put headcount at 8,569 – already 888 below December 2024. Figure 1. WHO’s total headcount, July 2024–December 2025 (verified), with the author’s illustrative scenarios to 2030 (dotted, not WHO data). Sources: WHO EB156/48; WHO HR Update Tables Dec 2025; Health Policy Watch. Geneva headquarters, WHO’s largest office, is on track to shrink 28% by mid-2026, Africa and Europe close behind at 25% and 24%. Even after those cuts, WHO faces a $141 million gap in 2025 salary costs, and a projected $1.05 billion funding gap for 2026–27, down from $ 1.7 billion estimated in May 2025. This is an unusually well-documented contraction, which is exactly why it is useful: it gives a checkable baseline against which the second, technological shock can be measured rather than guessed at. Two workforces, one falling cost base WHO’s people split into two legal populations. Established staff – 8,569 as of 31 December 2025 – are one. Affiliates – consultants, Special Service Agreement (SSA) holders, and Agreements-for-Performance-of-Work (APW) holders – are the second, and this group is contracting fastest: 9,937 cumulative engagements in 2025, down from 12,965 the year before. Comparing matching windows, SSA holders fell 21.4% year-on-year, consultants 22% in headcount and 25.5% in full-time-equivalent (FTE) terms, APW holders 31.8% in headcount and 34.2% in FTE terms. Figure 2. WHO’s affiliate workforce fell in both comparable year-on-year windows measured. Sources: WHO EB156/48; HR Update Tables Dec 2025. This cannot be pinned on AI alone. Affiliate contracts are the fastest lever any organisation has for cutting cost. What can fairly be said is the contraction is real, twice-measured, and concentrated in exactly the deliverable-based, language- and data-centric work this piece flags as most exposed to automation. Senior management has been reshaped rather than thinned. Between 2017 and 2025, P6 posts fell 42% while D1 and D2 posts rose 29% and 31%; net across senior grades, a 9% reduction – even as entry-to-mid P1–P3 posts faced a projected 30% cut. Whether AI accelerates or repeats that pattern through 2030 is genuinely open. Figure 3. Senior management posts (P6, D1, D2, ungraded), all major offices, July 2017 vs December 2025. Source: HR Update Tables Dec 2025, Figure 6. The cost base is precisely known. As of the January–July 2024 half-year, staff costs were $814 million – 47% of total expenditure, up from 36% a year earlier. For 2026–27, a staffing paper reviewed by Health Policy Watch put projected total staff-related costs at $2.26 billion, of which $1.19 billion (52%) is contractual services or consultants. Figure 4. Projected composition of WHO’s total staff-related costs, 2026–27 biennium. Source: Health Policy Watch reporting on WHO’s PBAC white paper. Not all WHO work is the same Here the story turns from documented fact to informed argument. WHO does at least five distinguishable kinds of work, unevenly exposed to automation. The ranking below is my own qualitative framework – low, medium or high, no percentage attached, because none is measured – anchored in two much-cited studies finding writers, translators, analysts and clerical occupations among the most exposed to large language models. Document production, translation, data processing and analysis are precisely what a large share of WHO’s staff and consultant time buys. Figure 5. Illustrative automation-exposure ranking across five categories of WHO work — low/medium/high only, no percentage claimed. A claim making the rounds in Geneva – that AI will “replace 80–90% of WHO jobs” – is both true and false, and the gap is the point. That figure is this author’s own working assumption, set above the published research’s central estimates. AI is plausibly on track to automate most tasks filling professional staff and consultant time today. It is nowhere near replacing the functions that justify WHO’s existence. The danger is that member states, watching the first happen in plain sight, quietly stop paying for the second. Call the mechanism task hollowing: each role loses most of its routine content, headcount needed per output falls, and the humans who remain concentrate in judgement and accountability — consistent with the ILO’s own conclusion that transformation, not disappearance, is generative AI’s most likely impact. The affiliate contraction and the P6-to-D1/D2 reshaping above are both consistent with this happening inside WHO now, though neither can be pinned on AI specifically rather than budget pressure alone. The shift is audible in donor language. At last month’s summit, the Global Fund’s John Fairhurst told a panel that countries want efficiency, more impact per dollar, and AI is the pathway they are reaching for. That is a financier approvingly describing exactly the substitution mechanism this piece warns about. Three phases, and the trap inside the savings Three phases seem likely to 2030 – my scenario, not a WHO projection: an assistive phase through 2026–27, where staff use AI individually with little structural headcount change; an agentic phase, roughly 2027–29, where agents own whole workflows and affiliate and admin posts contract further; and a substitution phase from around 2029, where member states run their own AI health-intelligence capacity and WHO’s value as output producer approaches zero. The variable that actually decides WHO’s financing is not how busy its staff are, but how much member states value what only WHO can provide. Countries will not stop funding WHO because its staff stop working. They will stop to the extent an AI assistant hands them, for a fraction of the cost, the report they used to rely on WHO to produce. The question shifts from “does WHO work hard?” to “what can only WHO do?” But there is a trap inside the savings this implies. Applying illustrative cut rates to the two verified cost figures above – from a cautious 25%/10% to an aggressive 55%/30% – yields plausible annual savings by 2030 of roughly $202 million to $488 million: bookends built on two real numbers, not a forecast. But every franc WHO saves by automating production is a franc it has just demonstrated a member state could save at home. Savings are necessary. They are not a strategy. The member state question Every financing conversation about WHO has so far assumed the only variable was generosity. AI changes the question itself: it is no longer only about willingness to pay, but whether the thing being paid for still needs to be bought from Geneva at all. The timing of WHO’s own financing reform makes this uncomfortable. In 2020–21, assessed contributions covered just 16% of WHO’s base budget; in 2022 the Assembly agreed to raise that to 50% by 2030–31, and member states have since approved two consecutive 20% increases. Governments have voted twice to send WHO more fixed dues in exactly the years an AI assistant is becoming capable of producing much of what those dues used to buy. Figure 6. WHO’s assessed-contribution share of the base budget, 2020–21 to the 2030–31 target agreed at WHA75. Sources: WHO funding pages. WHO’s own investment case claims every dollar invested delivers a return of at least $35 – logic that depends on WHO being the necessary producer of the goods being valued. To the extent a ministry can generate the report itself, that return has to be recalculated, not because WHO got worse, but because the alternative got cheap. Before the next dues vote, member states will quietly ask: what does WHO supply that we could not now generate ourselves? Where the honest answer is “not much,” that dollar is at risk. There is a genuine counter-argument, and it is WHO’s strongest card. A world of 194 finance ministries each generating their own AI-assisted guidance, with no shared quality bar, is a world of fragmented, occasionally wrong health advice – exactly what a global normative body exists to prevent. The risk is not speculative. Alain Labrique, WHO’s director of data, digital health, analytics and AI, warned at the summit that imported models are typically trained on data unrepresentative of the people they are meant to serve. This is echoed by Harvard researchers who note roughly 90% of global genomic data belongs to people of European descent. The honest answer is not that WHO should out-produce the AI – it will lose that race on cost – but that WHO should become the body that certifies whether the AI got it right, anchored in convening authority no single ministry can replicate. As HealthAI’s Ricardo Baptista Leite put it in Geneva: “Innovation moves at the speed of trust.” Trust is the one input WHO can still supply more cheaply than anyone, which makes it strange how slowly Geneva has moved to industrialise exactly that. Writing the rules for the world WHO has, to its credit, been an early and prolific author of AI governance for the world. Set that against what the same institution was doing with AI inside its own walls, and the contrast is hard to miss. The HR process document governing the current restructuring describes a wholly manual sequence of spreadsheets and hand-built organigrams, with no visible role for the AI tools whose ethics WHO was simultaneously instructing the world how to govern. The UN system tells a version of the same story. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres launched the UN80 reform initiative in March 2025 but independent analysis in December 2025 found no formal mechanism yet existed to advance AI proposals system-wide. It took until January 2026 for the UN to announce its first system-wide staff AI-literacy partnership – roughly three years after ChatGPT’s public release. Figure 7. From ChatGPT’s public release to the UN system’s first staff-wide AI tooling partnership — roughly 38 months. This is not an outside critic’s complaint. Anders Nordström, WHO’s former acting Director-General, made close to the same argument in Think Global Health last month, reclaiming trust requires WHO to become excellent at what it alone can do. “Modernization must begin internally,” he concluded. None of this is entirely unreasonable. Rules built for a different era are not obviously wrong to apply cautiously to a technology prone to fabricating plausible text. But caution and speed are not opposite ends of one axis: banking supervisors and hospital systems deployed internal AI copilots under equally strict rules well inside the three-year window it took the UN system to reach the starting line. Four futures Two independent choices – how fast AI is adopted, and whether WHO repositions from producer to steward – generate four outcomes: a discussion framework, not a model with predictive weights. Figure 8. Four futures for WHO, built on two independent choices. Only one quadrant is durable: fast adoption paired with a genuine shift to steward. Fast adoption without repositioning gives credibility without capability. Slow adoption while staying a producer is managed decline. Slow adoption with continued cost-cutting is the sharpest trap – implosion by efficiency, where every saving proves to member states they could have made it themselves, funding falls further, capable staff leave, and WHO shrinks into a smaller producer of outputs that matter less each year. The inheritance, and what has to happen now A new Director-General takes office in 2027, inheriting a financing contraction already locked in at $4.267 billion, and a technological displacement that is only just beginning. Stabilisation is the wrong objective: rebuilding the old equilibrium means rebuilding an institution optimised for a world in which technical outputs were expensive to produce – a world that is ending. The next Director-General will be remembered either as the leader who managed WHO’s decline with dignity, or who repositioned it for the AI era. There is no third option. For incoming leadership: name the producer-to-steward shift on day one; write the rules for AI in health before regulators and private platforms fill the vacuum; decentralise deliberately rather than by budget accident; extend the current restructuring machinery to affiliates, currently outside its protections; and re-contract with member states around value, not volume. Nordström’s own reform agenda reaches a similar place from a different direction – sharper mandate, single-term leadership, open recruitment of regional directors, a functioning board of trustees, financing primarily through assessed contributions. Independent reform voices and this piece’s automation argument converge from separate directions on the same conclusion: the institution that survives is smaller, more disciplined, and clearer about what only it can do. For WHO management: reposition the value proposition before the savings, not after; treat AI adoption as core infrastructure, not a side-project; manage the transition as workforce transformation, not attrition; govern the affiliate workforce deliberately, since it has no continuing contract and no comparable safety net; and publish WHO’s own analysis of AI’s workforce impact before an outside body, or this piece, becomes the only source anyone can cite. For member states: fund the transformation, not just the contraction; be explicit about what you are buying – norms, trust and equity, on their own terms; protect the global-public-good core; and use the 2027 transition to mandate the producer-to-steward shift, then measure the next Director-General against it. For staff: the next shock is structural, not cyclical – plan a career on the assumption that routine task-content does not come back, and the transformed job rewards judgement over throughput; demand transformation governance, not just consultation on cuts; and insist savings are reinvested, not banked. Warning that does not stop at WHO’s door The pattern is not WHO-specific. On 1 December 2025, Guterres presented the UN Secretariat’s revised 2026 budget: a $577 million (15.1%) cut, and a reduction of 2,681 posts – 18.8% of the Secretariat’s regular-budget staffing table. Every knowledge-intensive public institution that defines its value by the outputs it produces is exposed as those outputs become nearly free to generate. The institutions that last will be the ones whose value rests on what AI cannot supply: legitimacy, convening power, trust, accountability, and stewardship of public goods no single actor can be trusted to hold alone. WHO will not be destroyed by artificial intelligence. It can only be destroyed by failing to understand what artificial intelligence makes it for. The task facing this generation of leadership, staff and member states is to make sure that when the cost of producing health knowledge falls to nearly nothing, the world still understands why it needs a World Health Organization — and chooses, deliberately, to keep funding one. That ministry official, drafting her national protocol in an afternoon, is not the enemy of that outcome. She is the earliest, clearest evidence of the question WHO now has to answer: not whether it works hard enough, but what, in a world where a laptop can draft almost anything, only WHO can still be trusted to do. A note on the numbers: Verifiable figures above — headcounts, budgets, contribution shares, contract counts — come from WHO’s own governing-body documents, published HR tables, or named reporting. Everything forward-looking — the 2030 scenario lines, the three-phase trajectory, the savings ranges, the four-futures framework, the automation-exposure rankings — is this author’s own analytical synthesis, built on those verified figures but not a WHO forecast. Where automation is described as consistent with the affiliate contraction or senior-grade reshaping, that is interpretation, not proven causation — budget pressure alone could produce the same numbers. K. Rifat Hossain is Health Policy Watch’s Director of Development. He worked for the WHO for nearly two decades at headquarters in Geneva, the Regional Office for the Western Pacific and the WHO Country Office in Poland, working on health data and intelligence, refugee and migration health, and digital and AI systems for health. He has also worked for the ILO and the UN Economic Commission for Europe. Image Credits: AI generated by picai. Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
Zimbabweans Fleeing Xenophobia in South Africa Battle to Get HIV Medicine Back Home 05/08/2026 Jeffrey Moyo Thousands of Zimbabweans passing through the Musina repatriation centre are desperate to find safety after fleeing anti-migrant unrest in South Africa. HARARE, Zimbabwe – For the past two decades, 49-year-old Renious Gumbi from Mberengwa in Zimbabwe lived in South Africa, where he worked as a bricklayer. Gumbi, who was living with HIV, received free antiretroviral (ARV) treatment from his local clinic in South Africa as, according to that country’s Constitution, “everyone has the right to have access to healthcare services”. But worsening economic conditions and growing unemployment in South Africa have led to the formation of anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dubula and March and March, which have blamed non-citizens for service delivery problems – although these have been caused largely by systemic corruption. Over several months, anti-immigrant groups have blockaded many clinics and hospitals, refusing to allow non-citizens to enter. As a result, Gumbi was unable to get ARVs since June and became seriously ill. In desperation, his wife, Senzeni, arranged for him to return to Zimbabwe using cross-border transporters known as malayitshas. Gumbi was at last given ARVs at the Zimbabwean border with South Africa, but it was too late. He died soon after returning to the country of his birth. “It was cruel for South African leaders to leave anti-migrant activists blocking my husband from getting his ARV treatment drugs,” Senzeni told Health Policy Watch. “It is also heartless for the Zimbabwean government not to have a plan for its people living with HIV in South Africa when the same regime benefits from the money many Zimbabweans based in South Africa formally send to help their loved ones back home.” Harder to get ARVs Access to ARV treatment in Zimbabwe has grown more difficult since talks between the United States and Zimbabwe on future US aid for HIV and other health services broke down in February, jeopardising the HIV treatment of some 1.2 million people reliant on US aid. A recent study also projects that approximately 75,000 Zimbabweans will contract HIV within a year if there is a complete withdrawal of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). While South Africa has also been badly affected by the US decision to phase out all HIV and other health support, it was not reliant on the US to pay for antiretroviral treatment. It is hard to estimate how many Zimbabweans are in South Africa as thousands have entered the country illegally through poorly policed borders. However, between two and three million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in the country following the near-collapse of the Zimbabwean economy from the early 2000s. This has contributed to strain on the country’s health services, already damaged by systemic government corruption. Despite the guarantees in South Africa’s Constitution, Dr Sibongiseni Dhlomo, chairperson of the country’s Parliamentary Health Portfolio Committee, told Parliament last year that non-South Africans should only be entitled to emergency health services, not comprehensive healthcare, as the country does not have “unlimited resources”. However, this would require changes to various laws and the Constitution. Meanwhile, in 2025 the South African High Court ruled that Operation Dudula could not bar people without South African identity documents from health facilities. But March and March gave undocumented migrants until 30 June to leave South Africa, and have resorted to threats, violence and ongoing blockages of health facilities. On 30 June, thousands of people were forced to leave their homes amid anti-migrant protests and violence in South Africa, seeking refuge in parks, churches, and consulates. Amidst the chaos, many Zimbabweans fleeing from the flaring xenophobic tensions in South Africa have heart-rending stories. Gilbert Muzokomba, aged 58, has lived in South Africa since 1999, and was also prevented from accessing his ARVs from a clinic in Gauteng province’s East Rand. Five years into this 27-year-stay in South Africa, Muzokomba married a South African. In 2009, he and his wife tested positive for HIV and started ARV medication. However, his wife died in 2020, and recently Muzokomba found himself under pressure to leave South Africa from his neighbours. After defaulting on treatment for a very long time, he decided to head back to Zimbabwe in the hope of quickly resuming ARVs. But there was no guidance for new arrivals about how and where to get ARVs, he said. “I left South Africa voluntarily after seeing that I might end up dying without access to my HIV treatment drugs, having been repeatedly barred from accessing the treatment by anti-immigrant groups. I had already defaulted, and my health is deteriorating fast,” Muzokomba told Health Policy Watch. He was placed on a waiting list for a register for local HIV patients accessing free ARVs, but the process has taken longer than expected, costing him his health. Delayed treatment Meanwhile, 23-year-old Nelisiwe Mugodhi was born with HIV in South Africa, but also fled from xenophobic violence several days after she also defaulted on her treatment after being barred from a clinic in Khayelitsha, a large slum settlement in Cape Town. Mugodhi claimed that her parents succumbed to AIDS a few years ago and, as their only child, she was able to soldier on thanks to Good Samaritans in South Africa. But when xenophobia tensions broke out this year, Mugodhi fled to a place she barely knew. Mugodhi said she was eventually placed on ARV treatment back home, but it took a long time and her condition had deteriorated for days, rendering her sick from bouts of diarrhoea, headaches, swollen feet and incessant coughing. “To be honest, I don’t know if I will ever recover. I was healthy and have never fallen sick when I had access to treatment while in South Africa before the latest xenophobic tensions,” Mugodhi told HPW. Zimbabwe’s brave face People fleeing South Africa were relieved to get the ARV triple therapy, Reydin, from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the Zimbabwean border. It remains to be seen how the Zimbabwean government is going to cope with the influx of HIV positive migrants from South Africa. For now, officials have put on a brave face. During a recent appearance in Parliament, Health Minister Douglas Mombeshora said health workers had been deployed at the country’s borders to screen returnees and identify those living with chronic conditions like HIV, diabetes and hypertension. “We have put in place our health workers at the ports of entry to make sure that every returnee is being screened, from adults to children. So far, we have screened over 99,000 Zimbabweans,” Mombeshora said. But the Minister also said: “We are not able to institute long-term treatment on their arrival because we need to first take baseline tests, like viral load and things like that, which cannot be done at the port of entry at the moment.” In late July, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) reported that it was running a clinic alongside the South African government’s repatriation centre in Musina, a town bordering Zimbabwe and South Africa. MSF reported assisting people who have defaulted on ARVs and chronic medication, particularly to treat high blood pressure. Media reports indicate that 34,000 people have returned to Malawi and 100,000 to Zimbabwe, illustrating the regional scale of displacement, according to MSF. “More than 100,000 people fleeing or being displaced are the kind of numbers MSF see in hot conflict areas, not relatively stable democracies like South Africa,” says MSF’s Caroline Masunda. “With so many displaced people, we call on governments in the region to step up collaborative efforts to ensure continuity of care for patients”. The temporary repatriation camp at Musina, the South African town on the border with Zimbabwe. Official figures show that by early July 2026, 21,000 Zimbabweans had been repatriated with government assistance, while a further 57,000 returned at their own expense. Kensington Marufu, an HIV/AIDS activist and lawyer aged 36 who was born with HIV, says that the return of migrants from South Africa will worsen the country’s HIV crisis. “Most of these returnees are definitely secretive about their health status, especially HIV, which will cause problems here. They don’t know where to get help with their condition after being away from home for many years. I think these returning migrants will have a problem with adherence to treatment, which will negatively impact on their health,” Marufu told Health Policy Watch. Marufu, who tested positive for HIV at the age of 10, is a renowned lawyer. His parents and only brother succumbed to AIDS some years ago. Zimbabwean Pastor Reki Jimu, who has lived with HIV for decades and spearheads the fight against HIV in Zimbabwe, says he has the names of many Zimbabwean migrants now back in the country who have defaulted on treatment and are now faced with life-threatening complications. “I know several returnees from South Africa who have defaulted on ARV treatment after getting disturbed by xenophobic tensions there. Many of these people are now hospitalised here because of missing out on opportunities to acquire their medication here,” Jimu told Health Policy Watch. An estimated 1.3 million people are living with HIV in Zimbabwe, according to UNAIDS. But the return of the country’s migrants will swell this number and strain the country’s health system. “I don’t know if I will survive here in Zimbabwe,” said Mugodhi. Image Credits: Kate Stegeman/ MSF, Taduw Andre/ MSF, MSF. First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts
First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General 04/08/2026 Felix Sassmannshausen The Cairo EMRO headquarters, maintaining regional operations as Director Hanan Balkhy takes leave to campaign in the Director-General election race. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Director Dr Hanan Balkhy will take immediate leave effective Tuesday to formally launch her campaign in the WHO Director-General Election, according to an internal notice from DG Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch. Balkhy becomes the first serving regional director required to take leave after Tedros issued newly tightened election guidelines in July to resolve campaign finance and ethical concerns. Under the new directive, all internal candidates must exhaust their accrued annual leave before transitioning to special leave on half-pay, effectively levelling the playing field. Previously, regional directors enjoyed a distinct structural advantage over other internal candidates such as Assistant Directors-General by retaining their full salaries, travel budgets, and administrative machinery while actively campaigning. To comply with the newly enforced guidelines, internal candidates must ensure a complete separation between official WHO functions and campaign activities. “The election of the Director-General must be conducted in a manner that safeguards the independence, impartiality and integrity of the organization,” Tedros stated in the internal notice. Ensuring regional continuity Ismail was appointed officer-in-charge of EMRO. To maintain regional operations during the leave period, Tedros has designated Dr Adham Ismail Abdel-Moneim as Officer-in-Charge of the Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO). Before assuming his current role as director of programme management in 2024, Abdel-Moneim served as the WHO Representative to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iraq. Before these field assignments, he spent 13 years with the regional medicines team in Cairo. In the circular note, Tedros expressed his gratitude to Ismail for assuming these responsibilities, stating he is confident that “WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption” and that the new officer-in-charge “will ensure continuity in the leadership and management of the Region”. For Balkhy, her new status has significant consequences, as she must now withdraw from speaking in her official capacity at global forums such as the upcoming World Health Summit in Berlin in October. The WHO code of conduct dictates that internal candidates must “clearly separate their WHO functions from their candidacy and avoid any overlap, or perception of overlap, between campaign activities and their work for WHO.” Balkhy is, however, permitted to attend the Berlin summit as a private candidate on campaign leave. However, the code actively encourages candidates to utilise major international conferences to hold bilateral meetings and campaign activities strictly on the margins of the event. Another procedural grey area persists regarding when a candidate is officially recognised. For instance, a nominating country can delay its formal request to allow their candidate to continue high-profile diplomatic travel. Without strict enforcement during the pre-nomination phase, candidates may still utilise official platforms to build international support. This gap highlights the limits of voluntary ethical commitments before formal nominations are announced. Narrowing field of prospective contenders As the September deadline for official applications draws closer, the field is slowly taking shape, with the first candidates officially entering the Director-General election race. However, several high-profile global health leaders have recently removed themselves from the succession race. The Pan American Health Organization’s regional director, Dr Jarbas Barbosa, ruled out a bid to focus on leading his region. WHO Chief Scientist Jeremy Farrar also told Politico he has “no intention” to run. Want to Become the Next WHO Director-General? Get in Line Image Credits: WHO/EMRO, WHO. Posts navigation Older posts