Hans Henri Kluge, the WHO/Europe Regional Director, at a meeting of WHO’s European Regional Committee (member states) in December 2025.

Dr Hans Henri Kluge, WHO’s Regional Director for Europe, has become the third candidate to throw his hat into the ring in the race for the next WHO Director-General. He will be taking a leave of absence from his duties from Friday, 21 August 2026 following his nomination by home country Belgium. This is according to an internal email by Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus to WHO staff, seen by Health Policy Watch.

Kluge is also the second Regional Director, after Dr Hanan Balkhy, to temporarily step down from office under new guidelines issued by Tedros earlier in July.

The guidelines require WHO Regional Directors to step back from the posts and go on special leave at half pay if they enter the leadership campaign – despite the fact that RD’s are elected by member states. This rule aims to level the playing field with other internal WHO candidates who were already required to take leave in previous races.

Kluge had not responded to an earlier enquiry from Health Policy Watch regarding his possible candidacy. Tedros, however, made it clear in his message today:

“Dear colleagues, I am writing to inform you that Dr Hans Kluge, Regional Director for Europe, will take leave from his WHO functions effective 21 August 2026, in connection with his candidature for the position of Director-General of the World Health Organization,” the DG said in the internal mail sent just before 6 p.m. Thursday evening.

European Director of Programme Management takes charge

To ensure continuity in the European Region, Dr Corinne Capuano will take over as Officer-in-Charge on an interim basis, the WHO Director General added.

“I am grateful to Dr Capuano for assuming these responsibilities and confident that, with the support of colleagues across the Region and the Organisation, WHO’s vital work will continue without interruption,” said Tedros in the internal communication.

Capuano has been Director of Programme Management in Europe since February 2025.

Kluge, a Belgian physician, has led WHO’s European Region since February 2020 – through the COVID-19 pandemic, a subsequent mpox outbreak, and the cascading fallout of Russia’s war in Ukraine on health systems both in Ukraine and beyond.

The current field of candidates so far

Kluge’s declaration means that three candidates are now in the race. The other two candidates are listed as contenders on the organisation’s website are: Dr Hanan Mohammed Al-Kuwari (nominated by Qatar) and Dr Hanan Balkhy (nominated by Saudi Arabia).  But the list is expected to grow further before the final deadline for official nominations, set for 24 September. Indonesia’Minister of Health Budi Gunadi Sadikin is considered likely to enter the race.

Other figures around which speculation has centered have included Sania Nishtar, currently CEO of Gavi, The Vaccine Alliance and Helge Braun, a German physician and politician associated with the Christian Democratic Party – led for many years by former Chancellor Angela Merkel. Former French Health Minister Agnès Buzyn  has also been named as a possible candidate.

Several other high-profile figures whose names previously had been mentioned as potential candidates have recently said they would not run for the DG’s office. Dr Jarbas Barbosa, Regional Director of the Pan American Health Organisation (PAHO), ruled out standing for the race, saying that he wanted to focus on leading the Americas region, which faces its own financial troubles since funding from the United States, PAHO’s biggest donor, has become uncertain.  The noted British scientist Dr Jeremy Farrar, also has said he had “no intention” of standing for the top post – even though on Monday his resignation as Assistant Director-General Health Promotion, Disease Prevention and Care was abruptly confirmed by WHO, effective September.

While WHO claimed that Farrar, age 64, is retiring, several other sources claimed he had resigned – signaling potential dissatisfaction or a reluctance to continue being associated with Tedros’ administration in its waning days. Farrar has not publicly commented on his next moves.

Following the formal submission of DG nominations, the official timetable sets out two key dates prior to the final decision: the first candidates’ forum will begin on 18 November 2026, followed by the Executive Board narrowing the field of candidates down to a maximum of three finalists during its 160th session from 25 January to 2 February 2027.

The election by the Member States is due in May 2027 during the 80th World Health Assembly. The successor will take office on 16 August 2027, immediately after Tedros’s term ends.

See related story:

https://healthpolicy-watch.news/want-to-become-who-director-general/

Image Credits: WHO/Christopher Black , WHO/Europe .

 

Raymond Issa, a health surveillance assistant (HSA) under the Blantyre District Health Office (DHO), has been walking from house to house, giving al;l children under the age of 10 oral polio drops.

BLANTYRE, MALAWI – As early as 6:30 am, Malawi’s community health workers are already scattered across urban and rural neighbourhoods, dressed in sky-blue uniforms with square cooler boxes slung over their shoulders.

For four days in mid-August, health surveillance assistants (HSAs) across the country walked from door to door, administering the novel oral polio vaccine (nOPV2) to all children under the age of 10.

The cold weather and drizzle did not stop frontline health workers from carrying out their mission.

“I take pride in providing such lifesaving vaccines to children. It’s not really about the money, but the passion I have to contribute to public health,” said Raymond Issa, an HSA under the Blantyre District Health Office (DHO). 

Polio is a highly infectious disease that can cause permanent paralysis. There is no cure, but it can be prevented by vaccinations.

On the first day of the campaign, Issa visited 180 homes in three neighbourhoods, looking for children to give the polio drops to.

By 7.50 am on the second day of the campaign, Issa had already collected his ice packs and barely had time to talk to Health Policy Watch.

“My team members are already waiting for me,” he said, rushing off alongside a community mobiliser to resume vaccinations for the day.

This is the fourth mass campaign in Malawi. It is targeting children under 10 years old following the detection of a polio case in an unvaccinated seven-year-old child in Blantyre in December 2025. 

To interrupt any ongoing transmission, health workers are administering the oral vaccine in line with Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) guidelines for supplementary immunisation.

Mass supplementary campaigns aim to interrupt circulation of poliovirus by immunising every young child – in Malawi’s case, all under-10s – with two doses of oral polio vaccine, regardless of their previous immunisation status.

The drive builds on past responses, including a drive in February 2022 after Malawi recorded its first wild polio case (type 1) in 30 years, the first in Africa since the continent was declared free of wild polio in 2020.

Community mobilisation

Beatrice James, of M’bwana village, brought her six-year-old daughter to be vaccinated.

In M’bwana village, in the Chigalu Traditional Authority of rural Blantyre, Favour Divierious had already vaccinated 100 children by 9 am.

“The volunteer on our team did a great job mobilising communities. I managed to vaccinate many children because some mothers had organised them in one place,” said Divierious, who is also a HSA.

However, long distances present a persistent challenge. “This morning I have already walked eight kilometres. Sometimes I use a motorbike, but it is expensive because we usually do not receive allowances during the campaign.” 

As it is the school holidays, house-to-house distribution is necessary unlike during school time when health teams can administer doses directly in classrooms.

Beatrice James, of M’bwana village, was among those waiting to have her six-year-old daughter vaccinated.

“I first heard about this campaign from our community volunteer, though I didn’t know exactly when the HSA would arrive,” James said. “I was happy when she came. Even if there are a hundred immunisation rounds, I am ready for my child to receive every single one.”

Wastewater surveillance

Community health workers prepare the oral polio vaccine before heading out on foot to vaccinate children under the age of 10.

Blantyre is a high-risk focal point for transmission due to its dense urban population and ongoing mobility.

“Blantyre children are at a higher risk,” explains Myless Mhango, Blantyre coordinator of the Ministry of Health’s (MoH) Expanded Programme on Immunisation (EPI). “We have polio in circulation due to the recent case, alongside probable unvaccinated children returning from South Africa.”

To cover the district, Mhango’s office has deployed 622 three-person vaccination teams and 144 supervisors. Their target is to vaccinate 527,320 children by reaching out everywhere, including in the local markets.

“Ninety percent of the mobilisers are community volunteers who help address vaccine hesitancy,” Mhango notes. “Some parents hesitate because they do not understand why their children need multiple vaccine doses.”

Environmental surveillance has highlighted how easily the virus circulates through urban hubs.

Speaking at a high-level health briefing ahead of the fourth campaign, Dr Mike Chisema, the Ministry of Health (MoH) EPI programme manager, explained that wastewater monitoring had uncovered the virus. 

Initial samples isolated the virus in Blantyre treatment plants in late 2025, before subsequent testing detected it in Lilongwe.

“When you have conducted a campaign round and isolate another virus, it is considered a breakthrough infection,” he explained. “If you see it in Blantyre across three sites and then again in Lilongwe, it entails movement of the virus – circulation – with potential transmission risk if coverage is incomplete.”

To capture accurate transmission data, health teams are scaling up acute flaccid paralysis (AFP) surveillance alongside wastewater sampling, despite limited infrastructure. “Not all districts have sewage plants for environmental surveillance, making field tracking crucial,” Chisema said.

During previous nationwide rounds involving nearly 9,000 field teams and 2,000 supervisors, Malawi reached over 7.07 million children under 10. However, evaluations flagged localised coverage gaps in districts like Thyolo and Mulanje. “These gaps indicate ongoing risk because unvaccinated children remain,” he cautions.

Dr Mike Chisema, the Ministry of Health (MoH) EPI programme manager.

Multiple doses

Public health experts emphasise that multiple doses are essential to stop poliovirus mutation and achieve community-wide protection.

Speaking at the briefing, World Health Organization (WHO) Representative in Malawi, Dr Charles Njuguna, stressed that repeated vaccinations during outbreak responses are safe and necessary.

“Once strong population immunity is established, even children who are not fully vaccinated are protected by the vaccinated majority,” Njuguna said. “Until transmission is fully interrupted, every child everywhere must be reached. Polio anywhere is a threat to children everywhere.”

Dr Samuel Kondwani, GPEI Coordinator in MoH, highlights the ongoing risk despite progress. “Breakthrough cases have been detected within six months of previous efforts. There remains a lingering danger of importations,” he warns.

Because of persistent operational hurdles globally, the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) Strategy 2022–2026 timeline has been extended to 2029 to ensure countries have adequate time to close immunity gaps.

Regulation planned to stop vaccine hesitancy

Pockets of ‘zero-dose’ children, those who have never received a single routine vaccine, remain a major barrier, largely driven by religious opposition to modern medicine.

“Religious hesitancy is a very serious issue contributing to zero-dose children,” said Mhango. “The child who contracted polio in Blantyre last December had never received any vaccine since birth. Unvaccinated children place all other children at risk.”

To address persistent refusals, the MoH is backing a major legislative overhaul. 

Malawi’s Secretary for Health, Dr Dan Namalika, said that the government aims to resolve religious opposition through a revised Public Health Act, which is scheduled for parliamentary debate soon.

The proposed law would mandate emergency child immunisations, providing legal grounds to intervene when parental refusal creates public health risks.

“We are obliged to protect every child through immunisation,” he emphasised. “We don’t need a hundred or a thousand cases to declare an outbreak.”

Anthony Masamba, MP, chair of the Parliamentary Committee on Health, confirmed that revisions to the Act are entering final stages.

“This Bill is addressing many issues,” Masamba told Health Policy Watch. “It includes mandatory immunisations for those who deny their children protection while endangering others.”

Supported by the WHO, UNICEF, Gavi, Rotary International, and the GPEI, among others, Malawi’s health workers remain focused on delivering the supplementary round, working door to door to protect every child and choke out poliovirus transmission permanently.

Regional successes

Meanwhile, Malawi can take heart from the fact that five African countries – Burundi, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Republic of Congo, and Uganda – have officially stopped the spread of their poliovirus type 2 outbreaks.

The announcement was made on Thursday by the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Africa region, which had deployed teams from the Independent Outbreak Response Assessment (OBRA) to review the five countries’ disease surveillance, laboratory and epidemiological data. 

“These outbreak closures demonstrate what can be achieved through strong national leadership, dedicated health workers and close collaboration between governments, communities and partners,” said Dr Mohamed Janabi, WHO Regional Director for Africa. 

“While this is an important milestone, it is not the end of the journey. Continued vigilance, strong surveillance and high immunisation coverage remain essential to protect children and prevent future outbreaks.” 

The WHO warned that there is still a risk of the poliovirus being reimported, as demonstrated by the recent poliovirus detection in Madagascar, following its previous outbreak closure.

This underscores the need to sustain high-quality surveillance and strong population immunity”, WHO Africa stressed. 

Image Credits: Josephine Chinele.

A five-year study tracking more than 3,400 children provides the first evidence that a clean air zone can reverse pollution damage to developing lungs, vindicating London’s controversial vehicle restrictions.

The lung capacity of thousands of children stunted by traffic fumes on London’s streets recovered fully in the five years after the city imposed limits on its most polluting vehicles, a landmark study has found.

The research, published Tuesday in The Lancet Public Health, tracked more than 3,400 children in London and Luton, a commuter town north of the capital, from before the Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ) took effect in 2019, providing what its authors describe as the most definitive evidence to date that a clean air zone can improve lung growth in children.

No previous study had addressed the question, researchers said, calling their results “the first evidence that air quality improvements following introduction of a clean air zone are associated with improved lung growth trajectories in children” across a literature review spanning back to the year after the dust settled from World War II in 1946. 

“Traffic pollution in cities damages children’s health and development,” said Chris Griffiths, professor of primary care at the University of Oxford and Queen Mary University of London and joint senior author. “We provide the strongest evidence yet on how these harms can be prevented. Ambitious clean air zones should be considered a priority for cities globally with traffic-related air pollution.”

Graph shows roadside NO₂ across London, annual mean in µg/m³. The shaded band shows the pollution the ULEZ removed, with roadside NO₂ more than halved since 2016. Despite the drastic improvement, emissions levels remain over WHO’s guidelines.

The ULEZ, which charges drivers of older, more polluting vehicles £12.50 per day to circulate inside its perimeter, was introduced in central London in April 2019 and expanded to cover the entire city by August 2023, making it the world’s largest clean air zone.

When London mayor Sadiq Khan, who was diagnosed with adult-onset asthma at 43 after training for the 2014 London Marathon on the city’s polluted roads, launched the zone’s first phase, he was attacked by politicians and voters across the aisle, cast as having “declared war on drivers in blind pursuit of a policy that may not even work,” he wrote in the Guardian in an op-ed accompanying the study’s release.

“For years, politicians and pundits opposed to the Ulez have cynically sought to turn questions of public health into a crude culture war,” Khan wrote. “All the mainstream political parties, including my own, were opposed. In recent years, though, those critics have gone quiet.”

“Today, though, it’s clear that we’re winning the battle against toxic air in the capital, and it’s London’s children who are reaping the rewards.”

Impaired lungs down by a third as London children ‘catch up’

Oxford Street, once one of Europe’s most polluted shopping streets, already bans private cars during the day and is due to go fully pedestrian by late 2026, with all traffic including buses and taxis removed from its central stretch.

The study recruited 1,664 children in London and 1,750 in Luton between June 2018 and April 2019, all aged six to nine, from 84 primary schools. Luton, a town 32 miles northwest of London with a similar pollutant mix and demographic profile but no clean air zone, served as the control site, with researchers measuring lung function at annual school visits in both cities.

Before the ULEZ took effect, children in London had significantly smaller lungs than their peers in Luton, and were breathing more than double the levels of nitrogen dioxide, the pollutant most closely tied to vehicle exhaust.

Children are especially vulnerable to the toxic effects of dirty air. They breathe faster than adults and more often through their mouths, their heads sit closer to exhaust pipes, and their still-developing lungs absorb lasting damage from long-term exposure, raising their risk of asthma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, heart disease, diabetes and premature death well into adulthood.

Over the five years since the low emission zone’s introduction, London children’s exposure to NO₂ fell twice as fast and more than twice as much as in Luton.

As the haze of exhaust from ageing diesel cars, trucks and London’s ageing buses thinned, children’s lung growth accelerated by nearly 5% per year over the comparison group, closing the gap entirely. By the study’s end, lung capacity in the two cities had reached parity. London’s children had caught up.

Graph shows lung-capacity gap between London and Luton children over time. London’s children started the study with smaller lungs. Four years later, the deficit was gone.

The share of London children with clinically impaired lung function, damage severe enough to cause coughing and breathlessness, fell by more than a third over the study period, dropping from 14% to 9%. In Luton, where only smaller-scale air quality measures were underway, the decline was 2%.

“We already knew that the ULEZ reduced air pollution, but now we know that children’s lung health has improved at the same time, which is a really important finding for children and parents living in London,” said Helen Wood, research fellow at Queen Mary and the study’s lead author.

Complementary research by Imperial College London published in June found reducing air pollution lowers premature deaths across the board, not just in children. Premature deaths linked to air pollution in the capital fell by roughly 40% between 2019 and 2024 as the ULEZ expanded, researchers found, with emergency cardiac hospital admissions falling 9.3% and overall admissions dropping 5.1%.

Deaths attributable to air pollution fell from an estimated 6,400-8,000 in 2019 to 3,800-5,100 in 2024, while London met legal limits for nitrogen dioxide for the first time in 2024, Imperial’s study found. 

London hit its legal air quality target 184 years ahead of forecasts, leading the number of deaths attributed to toxic air falling by about 40% in five years.

“If we want to improve the lives of children living in high-traffic urban environments, we need bold and ambitious measures,” said Ian Mudway, associate professor in the School of Public Health at Imperial College London and joint senior author. “Our data demonstrates that clean air zones can be an effective public health intervention to prevent damage to developing lungs.”

Together, the growing collection of studies and data in London trace a clear story: air pollution was damaging children’s lungs, a policy was introduced to cut it, the air got cleaner, and both children’s lung growth and adult survival rates improved.

Before the ULEZ, researchers at King’s College London had calculated that at the pace air quality was then improving, the city would take nearly two centuries to bring NO₂ within legal limits. The zone got there 184 years ahead of schedule.

“We must not be complacent,” Wood added. “Air pollution in both London and Luton, as well as other cities across the UK, remains above WHO guideline levels, so there is still work to be done.”

Nearly the entire global population lives above those guideline levels, which the WHO tightened in 2021 in recognition of evidence that no level of air pollution is safe to breathe. Dirty air is linked to more than eight million deaths per year, according to the State of Global Air, making it the second leading risk factor for death worldwide.

A decade of evidence

The findings cap a research arc stretching back more than a decade. A predecessor study by the same Queen Mary team, known as EXHALE and published in The Lancet Public Health in 2019, had established that London children exposed to higher levels of traffic-related NO₂ had measurably smaller lungs, with those in the most polluted areas showing 5-10% less lung capacity than peers elsewhere.

London’s original Low Emission Zone, rolled out from 2008, had produced only small improvements in air quality, and EXHALE found no evidence those gains were reaching children’s lungs. The zone’s modest progress, researchers found, showed “no evidence of a reduction in the proportion of children with small lungs” despite the cleaner air.

“Interventions that deliver larger reductions in emissions might yield improvements in children’s health,” researchers wrote at the time.

The verdict, however, came with a caveat. EXHALE measured a different group of 8-9 year-olds each year, a series of snapshots that could reveal the damage but never followed any single child long enough to know whether it could heal. 

With ULEZ’s announcement, the team saw an opportunity – the new policy offered the chance to run a stronger experiment by recruiting a single group of children in the year before the zone launched and measuring the same lungs annually as the policy took hold. That study became CHILL, the Children’s Health in London and Luton study published this week.

A statue of Ella stands in Southeast London’s Mountsfield Park, commemorating her passing and place as the first person to have air pollution attributed as the official cause of death.

In a city of 12 million people, the science was only part of the story. In 2013, nine-year-old Ella Adoo-Kissi-Debrah, who lived 25 metres from the South Circular Road, one of London’s busiest and most heavily congested arterial routes, died following a severe asthma attack after 27 hospital admissions in three years.

A landmark 2020 coroner’s ruling found air pollution made a “material contribution” to her death, making her the first person in the world to have it listed as a cause of death.

Her story became the clarion call for local action, with grassroots groups of parents, teachers and doctors springing up across London to make public demands for action on air quality heard.

Mums for Lungs, founded in Brixton in 2017 by parents alarmed that their borough exceeded annual safe pollution limits within the first days of each year, campaigned for the ULEZ expansion, drove diesel surcharges in Lambeth and won School Streets closures around pick-up and drop-off times that cut NO₂ by up to 23%.

“This shows that cutting air pollution doesn’t just help Londoners being born today,” Khan wrote. “It can help children whose lungs have already been stunted by toxic air to recover, proving that it’s never too late to act.”

More than 325 low-emission zones now operate across Europe, from Germany and Italy to France, Belgium, Spain and the Netherlands, with over 500 planned on the continent.

Yet the scientific evidence for the health and economic benefits they provide has lagged far behind their spread, leaving leaders like Khan to fight bruising political battles over congestion charges, scrappage costs and the burden on lower-income drivers armed with little more than the intuition that cleaner air must be healthier.

Slowly, that research is starting to catch up. A study comparing Belgian cities with and without clean air zones, published last year, found that the zones in Antwerp and Brussels accelerated declines in all major pollutants and reduced socioeconomic disparities in exposure.

In Madrid, the low-emission zone’s introduction in 2018 has been linked to improvements in both air quality and student academic performance. A 2023 systematic review in The Lancet Public Health found the strongest evidence for cardiovascular benefits, linking the zones to fewer hospital admissions for heart problems and stroke.

The cost of clean air

Sub-Saharan Africa’s annual air quality funding from governments and development finance institutions buys about eighteen of London’s buses.

Even as the science strengthens, a formidable hurdle stands before cities hoping to follow London’s lead: the price tag.

The city’s entire bus fleet was retrofitted or replaced – part of an ongoing multi-billion pound effort to create a fully net zero fleet – growing London’s zero-emission fleet from just 30 buses in 2016 to more than 3,000 today, one of the largest in Europe. 

The vehicle scrappage scheme, providing subsidies for people to replace polluting vehicles no longer allowed under ULEZ rules, alone cost  £160 million. A further £33 million has flowed through the Mayor’s Air Quality Fund to more than 100 local projects since its launch.

Few cities outside Europe and North America can hope to match that investment. Sub-Saharan Africa received less than 1% of global outdoor air quality funding from governments and development finance institutions in 2023, a total of $12 million for the entire region. That’s less than a tenth of what London spent on its scrappage scheme alone, and less than the city spends in a single year operating its reference-grade air monitoring stations. Air pollution killed an estimated 1.2 million people across the continent in 2021.

To add pollution to inequality, successful ULEZ schemes and broader vehicle emissions standards at national and European levels actually fuel the import of air pollution into developing cities.

A UN Environment Programme report found that 14 million used vehicles were exported from wealthy nations to developing countries between 2015 and 2018, more than half to Africa, with up to 80% failing to meet minimum emissions standards.

“Over the years, developed countries have increasingly exported their used vehicles to developing countries,” Inger Andersen, executive director of the UN Environment Programme, said of the study. “Because this largely happens unregulated, this has become the export of polluting vehicles.”

Some cities are trying. Jakarta is electrifying its bus fleet and building the evidence base for a low-emission zone of its own, while Accra and Nairobi have established their first air quality monitoring networks.

Yet for most of the world, following London’s path will be neither quick nor cheap. What changed this week is that cities around the world now have evidence to show a vital point: low-emission zones work. 

Image Credits: Aron Van de Pol, Ashleigh Joy, CC.

A patient and her baby consult a nurse in a health facility in Sierra Leone. The Safe Motherhood Bill aims to improve sexual and reproductive health services.

FREETOWN, Sierra Leone – For nearly two years, Sierra Leone’s Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Care Bill has been stuck in a political and social tug-of-war that has little to do with the technical business of passing a health law. 

Instead, the country is wrestling with who gets to define reproductive health in the country: Parliament, doctors, women, religious leaders, families, and so on. 

The Bill was introduced in Parliament on 17 December 2024, with the stated aim of introducing “safe motherhood and reproductive health care throughout Sierra Leone, to set the standards for reproductive health care, [and] to provide for the right to make decisions regarding safe motherhood and reproductive health”.

Health Minister Dr Austin Demby motivated the reforms, saying that 82% of illegal abortions resulted in complications and teenagers accounted for a significant proportion of maternal deaths.  Demby also advocated for better support for pregnant schoolgirls and greater choice about unwanted pregnancies.

But the Bill was met with an immediate outcry from religious leaders. The Speaker then referred it to Parliament’s Legislative Committee for further consultation. 

At a stakeholder meeting hosted by President Julius Maada Bio in January 2025, the President conceded that his Cabinet had approved the legislation but called for Parliament to engage more with religious and other parties. 

By March 2025, Parliament noted simply in relation to the Bill: “Further consultation to be held.” 

Over a year later, in July 2026, civil society groups, health professionals, and MPs are still asking Parliament to fast-track it. The Bill is being kept alive, but it is not allowed to move.

Conservatives woo First Lady

Sierra Leone Health, Dr Austin Demby and Chargé d’Affaires Rabia M Qureshi, of the US Embassy in Freetown display the newly signed bilateral health agreement.

The political climate surrounding the Bill has become more complicated by the staunchly anti-abortion Trump administration resuming control of the United States government in January 2025. 

In late December 2025, Sierra Leone and the Trump administration signed a bilateral aid agreement in terms of the America First Global Health Strategy. The US will contribute $129 million to assist the country’s various health concerns while Sierra Leone will invest $44 million.

First Lady Fatima Maada Bio has also become the subject of intense focus for conservative anti-abortion campaigners, particularly from the US.

Fatima Bio has long been a public champion of girls’ rights, reproductive health, and gender equality.  In 2024, during the We Are Equal campaign in Angola, she stated: “Our bodies should no longer be defined, limited, and violated just because men or society can.” 

But conservatives have intensified efforts to engage with the First Lady since the introduction of the Safe Motherhood Bill.

First Lady Fatima Bio receives an award from Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Elder Alfred Kyungu at the Strengthening Families conference.

In June 2025, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) hosted a conference on “Strengthening Families” in Freetown, and invited the Office of the First Lady to collaborate, with the First Lady giving a keynote address.

According to the church, First Lady Bio “has had multiple interactions with the Church, including visiting Church headquarters in Salt Lake City in 2024 and hosting Elder D Todd Christofferson of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles in her home in 2025”.

Also attending the conference were US anti-rights groups including Family Watch International (FWI), led by Sharon and Greg Slater from the same church. FWI has been campaigning against abortion for more than two decades in Africa, and both Slaters also addressed the conference.

Mariama Zumia Zombo, MP, told Health Policy Watch that she had been heavily influenced against the Safer Motherhood Bill by the Strengthening Families Conference. 

“I am strongly religious. Even though I have a public health background, I am against abortion,” she said. 

Sierra Leone’s First Lady Fatima Bio meets Valerie Huber, a key Trump ally and anti-abortion campaigner, in March

Meanwhile, Valerie Huber, a key ally of US President Donald Trump and one of the drivers of the global anti-abortion Geneva Consensus Declaration (GCD), has held several meetings with the First Lady.

Huber, one of the architects of the GCD and its chief negotiator in Africa, heads the Institute for Women’s Health (IWH).

First Lady Bio described their meeting in March, as a “transformative conversation” that “explored meaningful opportunities for collaboration”.

Health law that became an abortion debate

The first mistake is to call the proposed legislation an “abortion bill.” It covers so much more, including maternal and newborn care, family planning, reproductive health information, adolescent services, protection for vulnerable women and children, emergency care, and setting standards for reproductive health services. 

But abortion has taken the lion’s share of the public conversation. The Bill proposed to legalise abortion up to 14 weeks for any reason, and even later if the continued pregnancy would endanger the life of the pregnant woman or girl, in the case of rape or incest, or a severely malformed foetus.

The government’s main motivation for decriminalising abortion is to reduce maternal mortality. The country has made significant progress, moving from the highest maternal mortality rate in the world in 2000 – 1,682 deaths per 100,000 births – to 354 deaths by 2023, a reduction of 79%. 

But this is still about three maternal deaths per day, with unsafe abortions accounting for around 10% of these deaths, as well as severe complications. There is also a very high rate of teen pregnancy.

Religious objections

The Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL) is a powerful group of Christian and Muslim leaders who are opposed to abortion. 

The council asserts that life starts at conception and that abortion runs counter to religious teaching and Sierra Leone’s social and cultural values. The IRCSL has also questioned some of the health statistics used to justify reform. 

Religious leaders and other parties have made representations to Parliament’s Legislative Committee, and a pattern has followed: consultation, compromise, more consultation, and no finalisation.

In January 2025, Catholic Archbishop Edward Tamba Charles, president of the Inter-Religious Council, rejected government claims that the council had already backed the Bill’s proposals. 

He said it was “premature” to comment because amendments were still being considered.

To accommodate religious objections, the government has sought to narrow the most controversial provisions as much as possible. 

By January 2025, the government proposed to restrict access to safe abortion to situations where the life or physical safety of the pregnant woman or girl is at risk, the foetus is not viable, or the pregnancy is a result of sexual violence. 

Religious leaders were given another chance to review the amendments. But the compromise, in short, did not win the argument.

Parliament is divided

At President Bio’s stakeholder meeting in January 2025, Abdul Marray Conteh, chair of Parliament’s Legislative Committee, said that the committee had received 18 position papers, 16 supporting and two opposing the Bill. 

Parliament had also held meetings to go through the religious leaders’ concerns “line by line,” he said. 

Conteh also confirmed in an online TV interview that the Bill is still pending in Parliament, refuting allegations that it had been surreptitiously tossed out. 

However, he did not clearly state whether it would be passed soon. 

But if the majority of position papers submitted supported the Bill, why is consensus so elusive? The answer seems to lie not in the number of position papers but in the political weight of those that oppose it. 

In April 2025, Daniel Brima Koroma, deputy leader of the opposition All People’s Congress (APC) made it clear that the Bill would not be passed into law in the next three years “while MPs with Christian values were in Parliament”. 

Koroma added that legislation regarding motherhood must be appropriate to Sierra Leone’s cultural, traditional, and religious context. 

Women’s advocates decry the delay

Young supporters of the Safe Motherhood Bill.

Purposeful, one of the country’s leading feminist organisations, points out that Sierra Leone has spent more than a decade debating the issue. Back in 2015, the Safe Abortion Bill was passed by Parliament but never introduced into law after religious opposition. 

In June 2025, Dr Ramatu Bangura, co-CEO of Purposeful, wrote in the national media that the Bill it would save lives.

“Without a comprehensive law on reproductive health, our medical professionals and facilities are left vulnerable, girls and women are denied clarity on their rights, and policy remains subject to politics, not public health,” said Bangura.

Bangura also lamented that Sierra Leone has “become a battleground for rights”. 

“Local far-right civil society and religious groups, with the support of far-right American evangelicals, have taken a stand against the passage of the Safe Motherhood Bill, further endangering the lives of Sierra Leonean girls and women,” she warned.

“If policymakers truly want to strengthen families and protect women, then they need to pass legislation that allows us to have the reproductive healthcare that we need and end the pandemic of sexual and gender-based violence that is prevalent in our beloved country.”

So what now?

The answer cannot be another endless round of consultations. Parliament needs to publish the current version of the Bill, including every substantive amendment made since December 2024, and the recommendations received from religious leaders and other stakeholders. 

The Legislative Committee should make clear what is still unresolved. If consultation is the reason for delay, Parliament should tell which consultation is still outstanding, with whom, and why it has taken so long. 

Last month, a coalition of MPs, women’s groups and health professionals meeting in Makeni again called for the Bill to be fast-tracked

The meeting, hosted by the Girl Child Network, Marie Stopes Sierra Leone, and Purposeful, also urged the government to act against misinformation about the Bill.

Catherine Zainab Tarawallie, MP, told the meeting that the legislation contains crucial provisions intended to safeguard women and girls during pregnancy and childbirth, according to news outlet Sierraloaded.

A new point of contention is whether women need the consent of their spouses to terminate their pregnancies. This might be the most convincing indication that the Bill isn’t merely waiting for Parliament. It is also waiting for Sierra Leone to decide how far it is prepared to go in reconciling faith, family, individual rights and public health.

Purposeful’s Bangura warns against “allowing religious zealots to hold sway over politicians and policymakers who have a duty to make decisions in the best interest of the most marginalised among us”. 

This country has already spent years debating the question. At some point, consultation has to end, and legislation has to begin.

However, the law alone will not save women and girls. Sierra Leone needs trained health workers, medicines, referral systems, blood supplies, functioning emergency services and money to implement whatever Parliament eventually approves.

Image Credits: Ministry of Health, Sierra Leone, Ministry of Health, Sierra Leone, Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, Office of the First Lady, Sierra Leone.

Extract from NIH head Dr Jay Bhattacharya’s memo to staff.

The United States (US) National Institutes of Health (NIH) has lifted its ban on funding research projects in South Africa, according to a report by the journal, Science.

The journal quotes an internal NIH memo sent to staff on Wednesday by director Dr Jay Bhattacharya, which says the NIH is exempt from an executive order issued by President Donald Trump in February 2025 halting all “foreign aid or assistance” to South Africa.

NIH grants are different from ‘‘foreign aid or assistance” as they are intended to “foster global scientific exchange,” Bhattacharya wrote in the memo seen by Health Policy Watch

“Meritorious research projects located in South Africa are permitted to proceed subject to the principles set forth in the Director’s statement, NIH review processes, State Department review, and NIH policies on foreign award structures.”

He added that the US Congress has “explicitly authorised NIH to engage in international research collaborations”, and that the body’s “funding mechanisms” are not governed by the Foreign Assistance Act.

However, he specifies that all research should “have a clear scientific rationale” for why it is being conducted outside the US, and the “direct potential to generate knowledge applicable to understanding, improving or protecting the health of Americans”.

The US and South Africa have a long history of scientific collaboration, particularly on HIV and tuberculosis.

Trump order focuses on Afrikaners and Israel

Trump’s order claims that the South African government is guilty of two “egregious acts”. One is legislation to “enable the government of South Africa to seize ethnic minority Afrikaners’ agricultural property without compensation”. 

This is a distortion of a 2024 law that enables the government to expropriate land without compensation in exceptional circumstances after following due process. It does not specify ownership by any group, and includes unused municipal land.

The second “egregious act” is South Africa’s case of genocide against Israel in the International Court of Justice, which Trump claims undermines US foreign policy.

“All executive departments and agencies (agencies), including the United States Agency for International Development, shall, to the maximum extent allowed by law, halt foreign aid or assistance delivered or provided to South Africa, and shall promptly exercise all available authorities and discretion to halt such aid or assistance,” states the order.

However, it concedes: “The head of each agency may permit the provision of any such foreign aid or assistance that, in the discretion of the relevant agency head, is necessary or appropriate.”

Helen Clark, former prime minister of New Zealand and co-chair of The Independent Panel on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response.

The Political Declaration to be adopted at the United Nations High-Level Meeting on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and Response (PPPR) on 25 September has been modified since being placed under the “silence procedure” in late July.

This is according to those following the process.  Most changes are relatively minor, bar the removal of reference to tuberculosis as one of the world’s leading infectious diseases.

A welcome addition is a timeline change, with progress on pandemic preparedness to be reviewed in three years instead of five. 

The reference to “sexual and reproductive health” has so far survived, opening the door for the United States and allies to contest this on the day, as has become their custom.

Armenia and Rwanda, the co-facilitators of the declaration negotiations, put the “final” text of the declaration for the High-Level Meeting (HLM) on PPPR in September under the silence procedure on 28 July.

“As UN member states consider next drafts of the Political Declaration, they must ask themselves: will the text make the pledge of ‘never again’ a reality? Is it upholding the principles of multilateralism, solidarity and equity?” asked Helen Clark, part of a new coalition calling itself the Friends of the High-Level Meeting on PPPR. 

“Dangerous pathogens have proved time and again that we must build stronger systems and simply cannot afford to retreat,” added Clark, who is co-chair of the Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and a member of The Elders.

Both organisations are co-convenors of the Friends, alongside FOUR PAWS and Resilience Action Network International (rani). 

The Friends reiterated that $15 billion a year is needed to pandemic-proof the world

“All regions and subregions must have the financing and capabilities needed to prevent and rapidly respond to health threats, including to rapidly produce vaccines, diagnostics, therapeutics and other countermeasures they need,” they note.

Senior WHO leadership departures and severe funding gaps plunge the organisation into turbulent waters.
Senior WHO leadership departures and severe funding gaps plunge the organisation into turbulent waters.

A major leadership shake-up is rocking the WHO, with two assistant directors-general, Dr Jeremy Farrar and Dr  Yukiko Nakatani, leaving the organisation in quick succession.

For now, Dr Bruce Aylward will take over Farrar’s role while Dr Sylvie Briand will step in for Nakatani. Moreover, following allegations of corruption against Saima Wazed, the regional director for South-East Asia, Dr Nilesh Buddha has taken over as Officer-in-Charge.

Jeremy Farrar is retiring from his role as ADG in September.
Jeremy Farrar is retiring from his role as ADG in September.

The highly respected British scientist Dr Jeremy Farrar unexpectedly stepped down from his post as Assistant Director-General (ADG) for Health Promotion, Disease Prevention and Care at the World Health Organization (WHO).

He is leaving the organisation effective 30 September, according to an internal note by Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus seen by Health Policy Watch.

“On behalf of the entire Organization, I extend my sincere thanks to Dr Farrar for his service to WHO and to global public health,” Tedros wrote in the communication.

Farrar’s influential unit was established as part of a major structural overhaul that consolidated 10 previously independent headquarters divisions into four central pillars.

Prior to this, the British scientist headed the renowned Wellcome Trust for almost 10 years before joining the WHO as Chief Scientist in 2023.

Most recently, Farrar was also discussed as a possible successor to Tedros in the upcoming WHO leadership race for the next Director-General. However, he dismissed these speculations.

WHO emphasises usual proceeding

While the internal email from Tedros announced Farrar’s departure as a retirement, insiders and media reports characterised the sudden exit as a resignation.

When asked by Health Policy Watch about the circumstances of Farrar’s departure at a press briefing on Tuesday, the WHO described it as a usual proceeding.

“Dr Farrar is reaching WHO retirement age at the end of next month. So that’s why he is retiring at the end of September,” a WHO spokesperson said.

However, experts maintain that there has been flexibility regarding the retirement of ADGs in the past. “Retirement age as the reason makes no sense,” said one source on the condition of anonymity. “The reasons could also be political.”

‘Highly controversial’ appointee returns to WHO leadership

Bruce Aylward will serve as new ADG.
Bruce Aylward will serve as new ADG.

Tedros announced that Dr Bruce Aylward will act as successor to Farrar. The Canadian physician and epidemiologist has served the organisation for over 30 years, having previously led the Global Polio Eradication Initiative and directed the WHO’s response to the West African Ebola epidemic.

Several sources described Aylward as “a close confidant” of the current Director-General and claimed the appointment was “highly controversial”. Others pointed to recent conflicts between the two.

Aylward lost his previous post as ADG for Universal Health Coverage in May 2025. He had been criticised for being too deferential to China’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Health Policy Watch reached out to Aylward for comment on Tuesday, but did not receive a response before publication.

Another ADG leaves WHO leadership

Yukiko Nakatani left her post as ADG in August for the Japanese Health Ministry.
Yukiko Nakatani left her post as ADG in mid-August.

In addition to Farrar, the ADG for Health Systems, Access and Data, Dr Yukiko Nakatani, left the WHO on 13 August to return to Japan, according to a spokesperson responding to an enquiry from Health Policy Watch.

Nakatani will take charge of health policy at the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare.

Dr Sylvie Briand, Chief Scientist, will serve as acting ADG, replacing Nakatani until further notice. The French physician has been working for the WHO since 2001 and has over two decades of experience in pandemic and epidemic preparedness.

Insiders attribute the departures of Farrar and Nakatani to deep frustration over Tedros’s leadership. According to these sources, both had recently voiced sharp internal criticism of the WHO’s technical work and data policy.

Neither Farrar nor Nakatani responded to enquiries from Health Policy Watch on Tuesday.

New South-East Asia WHO leadership following corruption allegations

Dr Nilesh Buddha took over as Officer-in-Charge of the Regional Office for South-East Asia (SEARO) on Monday, the WHO announced. He succeeds Dr Catharina Boehme, who has moved to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) as Deputy Executive Director, leaving another vacancy at senior management level.

Boehme had taken over from Saima Wazed in July 2025, after Wazed had been placed on administrative leave following serious allegations of corruption and fraud. Some of the charges against Wazed, daughter of Bangladesh’s former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina who fled the country in August 2014 after protests, stem from her bid to be appointed regional director.

The WHO leadership shake-up comes at a deep crisis for the organisation. Following the US withdrawal and massive cuts to official development assistance (ODA), the WHO faces a deficit of $1.05 billion, with around 25 % of staff cut.

With the WHO DG election race ahead and Tedros’s term of office ending in mid-2027, it remains to be seen what political implications the new leaders bring.

See related story:

First WHO Regional Director Takes Leave To Run for Director-General

Editorial Note: This article was updated on 19 August to include additional comments on the leadership transitions.

Image Credits: U.S. Mission Geneva/ Eric Bridiers, Flickr – US Mission Geneva, John Sears, WHO.

Women in Bangladesh queue to collect dirty river water, which they will use to drink, cook and clean with. The WHO’s official record of its achievements ignores its interventions in environmental health.

Twice in three years – at its 75th anniversary and again this July at the Constitution’s 80th – the World Health Oganization (WHO) has told the official story of what it has achieved. Twice, water, sanitation, air, chemicals and climate have been left out. The former head of WHO’s environmental health programme argues this is not a curatorial slip but institutional amnesia – and that the organization must correct the record.

On 24 July, marking 80 years since the signing of the WHO Constitution, the Director-General published a commemorative essay, “80 years strong: the WHO Constitution.” It is a graceful tribute to the founders – Parran, Sze, Štampar, Chisholm – and it declares, movingly, that “the Constitution remains our compass.”

Follow that compass to the page WHO itself links as related reading: the organization’s official timeline of public health milestones, curated for the 75th anniversary in 2023 and still presented today as the record of “some of the most memorable successes.” 

I have counted its entries many times, always with the same disbelief. There are roughly 70. Smallpox eradication is there, as it must be; polio, tobacco control, essential medicines, Alma Ata, the malaria vaccine – all rightly celebrated. 

But search all 70 for the words that defined public health for most of its existence – water, sanitation, air, chemical safety, climate – and you search in vain. The sole environment-touching entry in the entire timeline is the 2022 “One Health” memorandum among four agencies.

So, the record now stands doubly confirmed. At 75, WHO wrote seven decades of environmental health out of its history. At 80, invited to look again, it pointed straight back to the same erasure – in an essay that even honours Ludwik Rajchman and Raymond Gautier of the League of Nations Health Organisation without a single word about what that organisation actually did. 

I directed WHO’s environmental health programme (as director of the environmental health division in 1986, and executive director of Health and Environment from 1993 to 1998) in the years when the organization carried this field to the centre of the world stage.

But I do not write to defend my own era: the achievements that came after my time are among the most consequential things WHO has ever done, and they have been erased alongside it. An organization that cannot remember what it has achieved cannot defend it, fund it, or repeat it. 

Older than WHO itself

The omission wounds because environmental health is not a late addition to international health cooperation. It is its ancestor. As Jamie Bartram and colleagues documented in their authoritative 2014 history of global water and sanitation monitoring, the League of Nations Health Organization was publishing recommendations and collecting international data on drinking water and sanitation as early as 1930, under its rural hygiene programme. Monitoring that, in their words, “shapes awareness of countries’ needs and informs policy.” 

The great intergovernmental rural hygiene conferences of the 1930s, in Europe and Asia, treated safe water, housing, waste disposal and vector control as the very substance of health work.

WHO’s founders knew this inheritance and wrote it into law. Article 2 of the Constitution, whose 80th birthday we have just celebrated, makes it a core function of the organization to promote improved nutrition, housing, sanitation, working conditions and “other aspects of environmental hygiene.” 

The drafters put the environment into WHO’s legal DNA in 1946. Their successors could not find room for it 70 milestones in 2023 – nor in the birthday tribute to the Constitution itself in 2026.

When WHO put pipes in the ground

There is a generation of WHO staff – mine, and the one before – for whom the organization was not only a normative agency but an operational one, with mud on its boots. 

From the late 1950s WHO ran a global community water supply programme and posted sanitary engineers into ministries and municipal waterworks across the developing world. 

Working with UNDP and the World Bank, WHO teams conducted pre-investment studies and helped draw up master plans for water supply, sewerage, drainage, and water resources management for fast-growing cities – plans that unlocked hundreds of millions of dollars in investment and shaped infrastructure that still serves tens of millions of people. 

WHO issued guidance on wastewater reuse in agriculture, on water resources development and vector control engineering, and kept sanitary watch over ports and airports.

That operational tradition culminated in the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade of 1981–1990, for which WHO was a lead technical agency hosting its secretariat– an unprecedented mobilization that extended services to hundreds of millions and created the monitoring machinery the world relies on to this day. 

The health dividend is written into WHO’s own anniversary timeline without being recognized for what it is: the 1978 entry records that annual diarrheal deaths in children under five fell from an estimated 4.6 million in 1980 to under 365 000 by 2019 – a 92% reduction achieved despite a 70% larger world population. 

Oral rehydration therapy rightly shares that entry, but no child is rehydrated out of repeated infection from filthy water and poor sanitation. The largest share of that curve belongs to taps, latrines and hygiene – the words the timeline will not say.

 

Child diarrheal deaths fell 92% between 1980 and 2019 – a victory of water, sanitation, hygiene and ORT, recorded in WHO’s own timeline without naming the first three.

The quiet power of norms: Water

If the operational era has been forgotten, the normative achievements have been erased while still in active service – which is stranger still. WHO published its first international standards for drinking water in 1958, with new editions in 1963 and 1971, then transformed them into the Guidelines for Drinking-water Quality editions in 1983–84, 1993–97, 2004 and 2011, kept continuously current through rolling revision since 1995, with addenda to the fourth edition in 2017, 2022 and 2026. 

The 2004 third edition introduced the Water Safety Plan, the catchment-to-consumer risk-management framework now written into national regulations and utility practices worldwide.

From the 1958 International Standards to the 2026 third addendum: nearly seventy years of unbroken drinking-water guidance.

Few products of any international organization have a comparable claim on daily life: when almost any government on Earth sets a legal limit for arsenic, lead, nitrate or microbial contamination in drinking water, the number it writes into law traces back to Geneva. Nearly seventy years of unbroken, science-driven protection of billions of consumers – not a milestone, apparently.

The quiet power of norms: Air

The same is true of the air we breathe. WHO has worked on air pollution since its first expert committees of the 1950s. I had the privilege of serving as WHO’s first long-term air quality management adviser to the government of the Republic of Korea.

From the 1970s, WHO coordinated global urban air quality monitoring with the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) – decades of measurement that made the problem visible long before it was fashionable.

In 2014, WHO published the estimates that changed the global conversation: around seven million premature deaths a year attributable to air pollution, making it the world’s largest single environmental health risk.

Its ambient air quality database now covers thousands of cities, and its 2014 indoor fuel-combustion guidelines confront the household smoke that still shrouds the roughly two billion people cooking with polluting fuels.

Then, in September 2021, came one of the most consequential normative acts in WHO’s history: the updated Global Air Quality Guidelines.  Acting on 15 years of accumulated evidence, the annual safety guideline for fine particulate matter (PM2.5) was halved from 10 to 5 µg/m³, the 24-hour value cut from 25 to 15, and the nitrogen dioxide guideline slashed by 75%, from 40 to 10.

Medical and public health societies worldwide jointly called the new guidelines “ambitious,” reflecting “the large impact that air pollution has” on global health.

They instantly became the benchmark against which every government’s air is judged – and the judgement is damning: some 99% of humanity breathes air exceeding them. These guidelines reshaped clean-air law from Brussels to Beijing. The timeline does not mention them.

The 2021 Global Air Quality Guidelines halved the PM2.5 annual value and cut NO by 75% – benchmarks 99% of humanity’s air now fails.

The years I answer for

I will state my own era only briefly, because my argument is not about it. In 1989, Director-General Hiroshi Nakajima decided to make health and environment one of WHO’s key programme priorities – at a moment when, as I have often recalled, health was almost absent from the sustainability movement then gathering toward the 1992 Rio Earth Summit.

WHO’s answer was the independent Commission on Health and Environment, whose 1992 report, Our Planet, Our Health, put human health into the Rio agenda – into the Rio Declaration and Agenda 21.

Article 1 of the Rio Declaration states: “Human beings are at the centre of concerns for sustainable development. They are entitled to a healthy and productive life in harmony with Nature” – this is even more valid now as it was then.

The commission assessed how health is affected through its four technical panels – on food and agriculture; energy; industry; and urbanisation – and provided recommendations for strategies and actions to protect and promote health.

It already raised concerns about the changing climate due to CO2 emissions from fossil energy. As a consequence, in order to assess the potential health effects of climate change, an expert committee meeting was convened in 1989. Its report published by WHO contains information which describes scenarios which the world is now facing as a grim reality. 

Through the International Programme on Chemical Safety (IPCS) founded with the International Labour Organization (ILO) and UNEP in 1980, WHO provided comprehensive scientific understanding and technical support in the field of chemical safety. Its Environmental Health Criteria documents helped member states to set safety standards and laws to address the growing concern over environmental hazards. 

The IPCS INTOX project, led by Dr John Haines, brought together more than 100 specialists in poison control and related fields. It developed information for diagnosis and treatment; common terminology and formats for recording toxic exposures; information-management tools; training materials; and professional networks connecting poison centres and toxicologists across borders.

INTOX worked on antidotes, the harmonization of poisoning case data and preparedness for major chemical incidents. The cumulative human consequence cannot be calculated with precision, but there is little doubt that the centres, laboratories, information and professional networks INTOX helped to create, have contributed to saving many thousands of lives.

Decades later, WHO’s own quantifications were vindicated by Dr Nakajima’s priority: by the organization’s estimates, avoidable environmental factors are linked to roughly 13 million deaths every year–almost one in four of all deaths on Earth. There is no larger field of prevention in existence, and no field of prevention less visible in WHO`s account of its own history.

What came after me proves the point

Here is what the anniversary texts omitted – and it is essential that nearly all of it happened after I retired. This is not nostalgia for a vanished programme; environmental health produced some of WHO’s most transformative work of the 21st century, and it is producing it still today.

Monitoring 

The WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme, tracking water and sanitation since 1990, did something in 2008 that few UN publications have ever done: it changed the world’s conversation.

Its report for the International Year of Sanitation, Progress on Drinking Water and Sanitation – Special Focus on Sanitation, introduced the now-universal “ladder” of service levels and, for the first time, put a global number on open defecation – nearly 1.2 billion people, among 2.5 billion without improved sanitation.

WHO’s own announcement called it “the riskiest sanitary practice of all.” Counting it dragged a taboo into the light of policy: India’s Swachh Bharat and dozens of national campaigns are unthinkable without that number, and the Sustainable Development Goals now carry an explicit target to end the practice. The numbers moved – 1.2 billion in 2008, 946 million by 2015, 354 million by 2024.

The 2008 JMP report put the first global number on open defecation – nearly 1.2 billion people. By 2024: 354 million.

The same machinery told the world in 2012 that the Millennium Development goal (MDG) drinking-water target had been met five years early, and reports today that 961 million people gained safely managed drinking water between 2015 and 2024, lifting coverage from 68% to 74% – while insisting, with the honesty good monitoring demands, that 2.1 billion still lack it and that open defecation in low-income countries remains four times the global average. If a vaccine had driven curves like these, they would headline the anniversary page.

961 million people gained safely managed drinking water in 2015–2024; 2.1 billion still lack it.

Climate 

From those first assessments in my era, WHO’s climate and health work grew into a World Health Assembly resolution in 2008, then into country support across the globe for vulnerability assessments, national adaptation plans for health, and climate-resilient health systems.

These in turn culminated in the Alliance for Transformative Action on Climate and Health, through which more than 100 countries have committed to climate action for health.

Health now features as a priority in 91% of countries’ Nationally Determined Contributions (NCDs) under the Paris Agreement. At COP30 in Belém, WHO and Brazil drove a global Health Action Plan.

The programme has achieved something my generation could scarcely have imagined: accreditation of WHO to the Green Climate Fund, making the organization a direct implementing entity for climate finance in a sector on a starvation diet – an estimated 2% of adaptation funding and just 0.5% of multilateral climate finance.

“Climate crisis is a health crisis, not hypothetically in the future, but here and now “, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said recently.

Health receives an estimated 2% of adaptation funding and 0.5% of multilateral climate finance – the gap WHO’s Green Climate Fund accreditation is designed to close.

Water safety planning revolution 

Add the water safety planning revolution, embedded in national law, the burden-of-disease machinery behind the 13-million-deaths estimate, the 2018 housing and sanitation guidelines, the air quality estimates published for nearly every country – and the pattern is undeniable.

This is a continuous, century-long, still-accelerating current of achievement running from the League of Nations rural hygiene surveys of 1930 to a Green Climate Fund accreditation in 2026. The anniversary texts overlooked all of it.

Why does it matter? 

Why do anniversary webpages matter this much? Because they are the organization telling member states, donors, young staff and itself what it believes it is for.

Budgets follow stories; careers follow stories. When WHO’s official self-portrait contains 70milestones and no water, no sanitation, no air, no chemicals and no climate – and when the 80th-anniversary tribute renews the omission – every health minister weighing an environmental investment, every foundation officer drafting a strategy, and every young engineer deciding whether WHO is a place for her receives the same message: this is not what WHO considers memorable.

That message is false, and it is costly. It is also economically illiterate: WHO’s own analysis shows every $1 invested in water and sanitation returns roughly $4.30 in reduced health costs and productivity gains. And as Dr Campbell-Lendrum, who leads WHO’s climate and health work, said: “At an absolute minimum, every dollar that you invest gets you $4 back”. 

A schoolgirl collects dirty river water for domestic use in Kakola- Ombaka in western Kenya.

Prevention produces no cured patients to photograph – the children who never contracted cholera thank no surgeon – which is precisely why institutional storytelling must carry it.

I do not believe anyone sat down intending to erase this history. That is the problem. The omission passed through drafting, review and approval at every level, twice, in exercises explicitly designed to showcase achievement – and no one senior enough noticed or objected.

A lapse of this scale, on this subject, in the century of climate disruption, is not an editorial detail. It is evidence of how far environmental health has slipped from the centre of WHO’s institutional self-understanding.

What the new WHO DG needs to correct 

WHO’s member states will soon choose the organization’s next Director-General – a leader who will govern in the century of climate disruption, polluted air, water insecurity and chemical proliferation, when the environmental determinants of health will not be one programme among many but the terrain on which all health outcomes are won or lost.

Let the correction begin simply. Amend the milestones timeline publicly to include what this article has named – from the League’s rural hygiene programme to the Green Climate Fund.

Protect and fund the normative crown jewels – the drinking-water and air quality guidelines, and the monitoring programmes – as core functions, not discretionary extras.

Place the environmental determinants of health at the heart of the next General Programme of Work, where the Constitution’s drafters put them in 1946.

The sanitary engineers of the 1960s, the guideline scientists, the monitoring statisticians and the climate-health pioneers asked for little recognition in their lifetimes; many are gone.

The least their organization owes them – and the most useful thing it can do for the billions still drinking unsafe water and breathing deadly air – is to remember out loud that this work is not a footnote to WHO’s story. For over 100 years, it has been the story.

Wilfried Kreisel directed WHO’s Division of Environmental Health (1986–1993) and was Executive Director for Health and Environment (1993–1998). He was Scientific Secretary of the WHO Commission on Health and Environment, convened WHO’s first expert consultation on climate change and health in 1989, and later headed the WHO offices in Brussels and Kobe.

 

Image Credits: Abir Abdullah / Climate Visuals, WHO 75th anniversary timeline., Source: WHO GDWQ prefaces., WHO/UNICEF JMP 2008, 2015, 2025., WHO/UNICEF JMP 2025., WHO (2026)..

Pablo Quirno, Argentina’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship and US official Bethany Kozma, at Argentina’s signing of the Geneva Consensus Declaration last week.

The United States has assumed the secretariat of the Geneva Consensus Declaration (GCD), a global anti-abortion initiative launched by Donald Trump’s administration weeks before he was voted out of office in 2020.

Hungary took over the secretariat after Trump was voted out, but the US rejoined the initiative in January 2025, a week after Trump was sworn in for the second time.

Late last week, the US announced that it had taken over the secretariat again, and this is being housed in the US Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Global Affairs (OGA).

OGA director Bethany Kozma has been driving GCD since its formation and is a longstanding anti-abortion campaigner.

Argentina joins despite allowing abortion

Last week, she travelled to Argentina to welcome it as the latest signatory of the GCD, which is now supported by 42 countries.Argentina’s President Javier Milei is a key Trump ally.

Ironically, in 2020 abortion in Argentina was legalised on request up to 14 weeks, and later in cases of rape or risk to the woman’s physical or mental health.

In February 2024, Milei’s party, Liberty Advances, introduced a Bill to repeal the 2020 abortion law. It re-criminalised abortion for both the practitioner and the pregnant woman, with no exception for rape.

But the Bill was quickly withdrawn in the face of public outrage. However, Milei has been stealthily undermining access to abortion by simply failing to fund the necessary drugs and equipment.

In July, a conservative think tank, Political Network for Values (PNfV), held a series of events in Buenos Aires attended by Foreign Minister Quirno and Valerie Huber, a US pro-life activist known as the ‘architect’ of the Geneva Consensus, according to the Buenos Aires Times.

Several of the GCD signatories are ranked among the worst countries for women’s rights, according to Georgetown University‘s Women, Peace and Security Index

Kozma has contributed to Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s right-wing blueprint for a second Trump term, which advocates for extreme abortion restrictions.

She has also run Project 2025 training videos in which she has called for the Trump administration to remove any mention of gender and to “eradicate climate change references from absolutely everywhere,” describing it as “population control”, according to video footage obtained by ProPublica.

Removing ‘modern contraception’ mention

While working in the first Trump administration, Kozma was part of a negotiation on women’s rights at the United Nations, where she and her delegation wanted any mention of “modern contraceptives” removed and replaced with “family planning” to enable abstinence-only programmes, according to Independent.

She has also been instrumental in the Trump administration’s drive to remove any mention of “sexual and reproductive health” from UN documents.

Valerie Huber, who heads the Institute for Women’s Health (IWH), is the key negotiator for the GCD, particularly in Africa where she targets conservative African states and the First Ladies. Huber once ran a national organisation dedicated to promoting abstinence.

Next month, the IWH will host the sixth annual GCD commemoration on Capitol Hill, bringing together Members of Congress and more than 40 nations who have signed it.

The GCD, which was not signed in Geneva despite its name, states that “there is no international right to abortion, nor any international obligation on the part of states to finance or facilitate abortion” 

A joint statement issued last week by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr, stated that the GCD has “four main objectives: to secure meaningful health and development gains for women; to protect life at all stages; to defend the family as the fundamental unit of society; and to work together across the UN system to realize these values”.

However, the value of family has been mainstreamed in the UN from its inception, with the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights asserting that “the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State”.

Huge allocation for faith-based groups

Meanwhile, the US State Department announced in early August that it would allocate “nearly $2 billion in partnerships with faith-based and community organizations that provide global health and humanitarian assistance around the world.”

The allocation “underscores the Trump Administration’s commitment to partnering with organizations that demonstrate faith in action and have proven their ability to deliver health and humanitarian assistance in the world’s most difficult environments, “according to the statement.

The media release mentions World Vision, Compassion International, and Samaritan’s Purse.

Image Credits: US HHS.

French Constitutional Council blocks youth social media ban for under-15s, citing infringements on fundamental rights.
French Constitutional Council blocks social media ban for under-15s, citing infringements on fundamental rights.

France’s planned youth social media ban for minors under the age of 15 violates fundamental rights, the country’s Constitutional Council ruled on Friday. Critics had warned of a predictable legal defeat following a rushed legislative process. French President Emmanuel Macron announced a revision of the flagship legislation by spring 2027. The European Commission is also set to propose EU regulations in autumn.

France’s flagship plan to block children under 15 from social media has collapsed in court, delivering a heavy blow to President Emmanuel Macron’s digital agenda.

Fearing a clash with the European Union’s (EU) Digital Services Act (DSA), lawmakers had stripped all direct sanctions against tech platforms from the Bill. To bypass Brussels, the final text targeted minors directly with a blanket usage ban rather than holding the companies accountable.

But the proposed ban violated young people’s freedom of expression, stripped parents of their educational authority, and lacked basic privacy safeguards for mandatory age-verification checks, the Council ruled on Friday.

Furthermore, the judges rejected the legislation because it failed to distinguish between hazardous social networks and harmless digital tools. The law would have equally targeted collaborative educational and leisure apps.

Opposition parties hail setback for youth social media ban

The centre-left Socialist Party and the left-wing populist party La France Insoumise, which spearheaded the successful constitutional challenge, hailed the ruling as a major setback for President Emmanuel Macron’s ruling centrist coalition Ensemble pour la République.

“We had warned them that this measure, as well as being unenforceable, missed the real issue,” declared the Socialist Party on Facebook on Saturday, reacting to the court’s ruling.

The opposition parties pointed to the ineffectiveness of outright bans and instead called for phased access from the age of 13 and targeted regulation of harmful content on the platforms themselves. For this, they argue, responsibility must lie with the social media companies themselves, not with children and parents.

“What is needed is not to say ‘we’re banning TikTok’, but rather ‘we’re banning what is dangerous on the apps’; therefore, apps containing dangerous elements must be banned if they do not reform,” demanded Socialist Deputy Arthur Delaporte.

Centrist allies lash out at Macron’s haste

Centrist Senator Morin-Desailly criticized Macron's hasty regulation.
Centrist Senator Morin-Desailly criticised Macron’s hasty regulation.

Centrist Senator Catherine Morin-Desailly (Union Centriste), who served as Rapporteur for the Bill in the Senate, had voiced strong criticism of the bill. “Right up to the end, I warned of the constitutional risk,” she explained in an interview with Franceinfo on Saturday.

Her parliamentary group is a key ally in the legislative chamber, where the president’s camp does not hold a majority of its own.

Morin-Desailly criticised the French government for acting too hastily. Her criticism came despite her recommendation in July to pass the Bill as a symbolic spur for European regulation.

Forcing through the regulation ahead of the start of the school year in September was not sensible, the Senator pointed out. Looking back on the Senate’s constitutional warnings the government had ignored, she said, “We have wasted a lot of time.”

Macron vows to fight for renewed regulation

The French government’s defeat leaves a regulatory vacuum in digital child protection. Increasingly, scientific evidence links addictive social media platform designs to severe harm in children’s mental health and brain development.

Macron announced that he would examine the constitutional concerns and initiate a new version of the bill. “I take note of the Constitutional Council’s decision on the ban on social media for under-15s, but I am not giving up,” Macron stated.

To this end, he instructed his Prime Minister, Sébastien Lecornu, to present a legally sound revised version by spring 2027.

Brussels to propose regulation for digital sphere

The failed manoeuvre highlights the current regulatory uncertainty in Europe. Alongside France, Spain has also adopted stricter regulations. In Germany, the governing coalition is discussing a similar approach.

Effective child protection on digital platforms must go through Brussels, according to European legal experts.

The European Commission will propose a draft regulation on social media for young people this autumn to end the patchwork of national initiatives.

See related story:

France Passes Strict Youth Social Media Ban But New Law Lacks Strong Enforcement Mechanism

Image Credits: There on Saturn via Pexels, Felix Sassmannshausen.